This article should specify the language of its non-English content using {{lang}} or {{langx}}, {{transliteration}} for transliterated languages, and {{IPA}} for phonetic transcriptions, with an appropriate ISO 639 code. Wikipedia's multilingual support templates may also be used - notably cyb for Cayubaba. (November 2025) |
| Cayubaba | |
|---|---|
| Kayuvava | |
| Native to | Bolivia |
| Region | Beni Department |
| Ethnicity | 2,203 Cayubaba people (2012) |
Native speakers | 3 rememberers (2005) |
| Official status | |
Official language in | |
| Language codes | |
| ISO 639-3 | cyb |
| Glottolog | cayu1262 |
| ELP | Cayuvava |
Cayubaba (Cayuvava, Cayuwaba, Kayuvava) is a moribund language of the Bolivian Amazon. The Cayubaba people inhabit the Beni region to the west of the Mamoré River, North of the Santa Ana Yacuma, with a population of 794 inhabitants.
Since the declaration of the Supreme Decree N.º 25894 on September 11, 2000, Cayubaba has been one of the official indigenous languages of Bolivia, which was included in the Political Constitution, which was introduced on February 7, 2009.
The first European to establish contact with the Cayubaba was the Jesuit missionary priest P. Agustín Zapata in 1693. As Crevels and Muysken (2012) point out, it was during this first visit to Cayubaba territory that Father Zapata saw seven villages, of which six had approximately 1,800 inhabitants and one had more than 2,000. At the beginning of the 18th century, P. Antonio Garriga funded the Mission of Exaltation of the Holy Cross, which was primarily inhabited by the Cayubaba. Later the Missions of San Carlos, Conception, and Peñas were founded.
In 1909, when Swedish geologist and paleontologist Erland Nordenskiöld visited the Cayubaba, there were only 100 people from the group, who apart from their language, kept very little of their native culture. The Cayubaba region was famous for growing tobacco. At the time of the exploitation of rubber, the commercialization of tobacco was intense throughout the country, and Exaltación became a busy port on the Mamoré River. In the mid- 20th century, however, the cultivation of tobacco was almost stopped by the mass emigration of Cayubaba to Exaltación, who were fleeing the measles epidemic that almost decimated the population.
As shown by Crevels and Muysken (2012), the territory of Cayubaba forms part of a region historically known as Mojos (or Moxos), that covers approximately 200,000 square kilometers of what is currently the Department of Beni. Above all, the Cayubaba focus on traditional farming, growing rice, yucca, corn, bananas, sugar cane, beans, pumpkins, sweet potatoes, etc. They also raised livestock, although on a small scale. The Cayubaba community meets at the Subcentral Indígena Cayubaba, which is affiliated to the Indigenous Peoples Center of Beni (CPIB) and is, therefore, a member of the Confederation of Indigenous Peoples of Eastern Bolivia (CIDOB). Only 6 speakers were reported in 1975.
As of 2005, Mily Crevels reported that only two elderly speakers remain in the village of Exaltación, located on the left bank of the Mamoré River. An additional elderly speaker was also found in the city of Trinidad.
According to the 2012 Bolivian census, there were 2,203 of Cayubaba, of whom 1,246 learned speak Cayubaba language in their childhood and for only 12 Cayubaba was their main language.
Jolkesky (2016) notes that there are lexical similarities with the Arawak, Bororo, Takana, and Tupi language families due to contact.
As indicated by Crevels and Muysken (2012), despite all the tentative proposals to genetically classify Cayubaba (see, for example, Greenberg, 1987); Kaufman, 1990, 1994; Suárez, 1974), the language is still considered a language isolate.
Cayubaba presents the following system of consonantal phonemes based on Key (1961, 1962, 1967).
| Bilabial | Alveolar | Palatal | Velar | Glottal | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Occlusive | Voiceless | p | t | tʃ ⟨ch⟩ | k | |
| Voiced | b | d | dʒ ⟨dy⟩ | |||
| Nasal | m | n | ɲ ⟨ñ⟩ | |||
| Continuant | Voiceless | s | ʃ ⟨sh⟩ | h | ||
| Voiced | β ⟨v⟩ | |||||
| Flap/Vibrant | r | |||||
| Semivowel | w | j ⟨y⟩ | ||||
/r/ has allophones that include [ɾ~ l~ d̥].
The system of vowel phonemes is taken from Crevels and Muysken (2012, 2023) and based on Key (1961).
| Front | Central | Back | |
|---|---|---|---|
| High | i | ɨ ⟨ï⟩ | u |
| Mid | e | o | |
| Low | æ ⟨ë⟩ | a | ɔ ⟨ò⟩ |
Regarding the vocabulary and word classes in Cayubaba, the following can be pointed out (Crevels and Muysken, 2012):
In Cayubaba, there are five distinct word classes: verbs (for example boro 'give', tavu 'swim'), nouns (for example veje-veje 'wind', ñoko 'monkey'), pronouns (for example ãre-ai '1SG', ãre-a '2SG'), modifiers and particles, for example kóra 'perhaps', ñõhõ (now).
In regards to adjectives, many adjectival concepts are expressed through predicate adjectives formed with the affixes pa(+i)... +ha, for example: pa-i-ra-ha ''Well, be well', pa-tï-ha 'red, is red'. This is to say, it is difficult to establish criteria for the class of adjectives separate from verbs.
In addition, Cayubaba presents some adverbs, such as pïïrë boro 'slowly', irire 'good'.
The basic numerical system includes five numerals: karata/kata 'one', mitia/mite 'two', kurapa 'three', chaada/chaad 'four', y me(i)da(ru) 'five'. These numerals can be combined with the rirobo element (irobo/erobo/iro/hiro/kiro) 'five more' to form numbers up to ten. The numbers eleven to nineteen are formed with the augmentative suffix -hiiñe 'and, in addition to'. Starting from one hundred, borrowed words from Castilian are used, such as karata-siento [one-one hundred] 'one hundred', karata-mirie [one-thousand] 'a thousand'.
Regarding the nominal morphology, Cayuvava shows a process of full reduplication, for example wïrï-wïrï 'iguana', and partial, for example uku-ku 'pig'. In addition, there are also six complex and productive processes of nominal composition:
| Composition processes | Example |
|---|---|
| noun nucleus (possessed) + noun modifier (possessor) | hebë-kafe ‘coffee husk' |
| sequence of roots with figurative meaning | ridore-maka‘año’ (lit. ‘burning-sun’) |
| verb + noun | vede-ñika‘dueño de casa’ (lit. ‘have-home’) |
| onomatopoeic element + noun | sĩsĩha-ñõko 'type of monkey’ |
| modifier + noun | chakïrï-hiki ‘maíz suave’ (lit. ‘soft corn’) |
| modifier + noun + modifier | sïsïha-pichï-yïtï‘pequeña hormiga negra’(lit. ‘small-ant-black’) |
The plural nominal is expressed through the proclitic me = as observed in (Figure 1). In nominal sentences, the proclitic me, is appended to the first element of the sentence, as seen in (Figure 2).
me=i-asi
PL=ART-man
'the men'
me=rishò
PL=new
raviri
oars
‘new oars'
| singular | plural | |
|---|---|---|
| 1st person | ãre-ai | ãre-ere/ãre-hi-ere |
| 2nd person | ãre-a | ãre-pere/ãre-hi-pere |
| 3rd person | ãre-e/ããr-e | ãre-riki/ãre-hi-riki |
mara-h-i-bachari-dya
FUT.HIP-1SG-CL-inform-2SG.OI
‘(I) would inform you.’ Unknown glossing abbreviation(s) (help);
mera-h-i-bekere~re-ë
FUT-1SG-CL-learn~CAUS.INC-2SG.OD
‘I will teach.’ Unknown glossing abbreviation(s) (help);
With regard to the syntax of Cayubaba, the following is seen (Crevels and Muysken, 2012):
ari-a-ñuhu
CMPL-INTL-to bring
kita
water
ki=tò̃rene
ART-woman
dy-a-ñika-che
COM.LOC-3SG-house-3SG.POS
‘The woman brought water to her house.’ Unknown glossing abbreviation(s) (help);
ãree
PRO:3SG
a-poërëre-ha
CL-to buy-RES
karata
one
toro-takorako
M-rooster
mitia
two
takorako
hens
'He buys a rooster and two hens.’ Unknown glossing abbreviation(s) (help);
mitia
two
tò̃rene
women
‘two women’
avope
father
ki=ñeatò̃rene
ART-my wife
‘the father of my wife'
mera-h-i-dïkï-ñika
FUT-1SG-CL-make-house
ãrehidya
PRO:2SG.OI
‘I will build the house.’ Unknown glossing abbreviation(s) (help);
ye-pe-h-a-ve-dya
NEG-always-1SG-CL-to say-2SG.OI
ki-h-i-hudyuhi-a
SUB-1SG-CL-to leave-2SG.OD
'I tell you, I will never leave you.’ Unknown glossing abbreviation(s) (help);
ki-t-i-bòechò
SUB-3SG-CL-to sell
k-a-ukuku-che
ART-3SG-pork-3SG.POS
‘when he sold his pig’
chu
because
h-i-bachari-e
1SG-CL-to tell-3SG.O
'Because I told him’
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