Gabungan Pilihan Raya Bersih dan Adil | |
| Abbreviation | BERSIH |
|---|---|
| Formation | 23 November 2006 |
| Type | Coalition of non-governmental organisations |
| Headquarters | Unit A-2-8, Block A, Pusat Perniagaan 8 Avenue, Jalan Sungai Jernih 8/1, 46050 Petaling Jaya, Selangor, Malaysia |
Chairperson | Muhammad Faisal Abdul Aziz |
Deputy Chairperson | Lee See Kiang |
| Website | bersih |
The Coalition for Clean and Fair Elections (Malay: Gabungan Pilihan Raya Bersih dan Adil), better known as Bersih (lit. 'clean' in Malay), is a Malaysian coalition of civil society organisations advocating electoral and institutional reform. It campaigns on issues including the conduct of elections, electoral boundaries, political financing, voting access, parliamentary reform and the independence of public institutions.
Bersih originated from a joint initiative involving civil society organisations and opposition political parties in the mid-2000s. It issued its first joint communiqué on 23 November 2006 and organised its first major public rally in Kuala Lumpur the following year. In 2010, the coalition was relaunched as Bersih 2.0, an organisation led exclusively by civil society rather than political parties. It became widely known through a series of large demonstrations held between 2007 and 2016 calling for electoral and institutional reforms.
After the 2018 Malaysian general election, Bersih increasingly combined public mobilisation with election observation, policy research, institutional advocacy and engagement with government and opposition representatives. In June 2022, Bersih 2.0 reverted to the name Bersih.
Bersih developed from the Joint Action Committee for Electoral Reform, which was formed in July 2005. An electoral reform workshop held in Kuala Lumpur in September 2006 brought together civil society organisations and political leaders to formulate a common programme for electoral reform.
On 23 November 2006, the Coalition for Clean and Fair Elections issued its first joint communiqué. The initial coalition included civil society organisations as well as five political parties: the Democratic Action Party (DAP), Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS), Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR), Parti Sosialis Malaysia (PSM) and the Sarawak National Party (SNAP).
Its early campaign focused on the administration of elections by the Election Commission of Malaysia and concerns raised by opposition parties and civil society organisations regarding the electoral roll, constituency boundaries, postal voting and access to the media.
On 10 November 2007, Bersih organised its first large public demonstration in Kuala Lumpur. It advanced four principal demands:
Participants gathered around Dataran Merdeka and marched towards the former Istana Negara, where a memorandum was submitted to the Yang di-Pertuan Agong. Estimates of attendance varied. Bersih put participation at approximately 30,000, while official estimates were lower.
Police used tear gas and water cannon to disperse demonstrators and detained more than 200 people in connection with the gathering.
The rally became one of the most prominent civil society demonstrations of the period preceding the 2008 Malaysian general election. Scholars have subsequently examined Bersih as part of the broader development of electoral reform activism and political participation in Malaysia.
In 2010, Bersih was reorganised as a civil society-led coalition independent of political parties and became known as Bersih 2.0.
Ambiga Sreenevasan, a former president of the Malaysian Bar, and national laureate A. Samad Said later served as co-chairpersons. The organisation expanded its demands beyond the mechanics of elections to include the independence of public institutions and broader democratic reforms.
Bersih organised another major demonstration on 9 July 2011. Its eight demands were:
The campaign was endorsed by dozens of civil society organisations and was accompanied by solidarity gatherings involving Malaysians in cities outside the country.
The government and police opposed a street demonstration. Following an audience with the Yang di-Pertuan Agong, Bersih agreed to hold the rally at a stadium, although a dispute subsequently arose over access to Stadium Merdeka.
Thousands nevertheless gathered in Kuala Lumpur on 9 July. Police used tear gas and water cannon, and more than 1,600 people were arrested during the operation surrounding the rally.
Following the 2011 rally, the Malaysian government established a Parliamentary Select Committee on electoral reform. Its report, containing 22 recommendations, was approved by the Dewan Rakyat in April 2012.
Bersih argued that significant electoral issues remained unresolved and organised the Bersih 3.0 sit-down protest, known as Duduk Bantah, on 28 April 2012. In addition to its earlier demands, Bersih called for changes to the Election Commission and implementation of electoral reforms before the next general election.
The gathering began peacefully but later saw confrontations after some participants crossed police barricades around Dataran Merdeka. Police used tear gas and water cannon. Protesters, journalists and police personnel reported injuries. Accounts of responsibility for the escalation differed between organisers, participants, authorities and news organisations.
The policing of Bersih demonstrations has subsequently been the subject of academic research into public-order policing and the Malaysian state's response to protest movements.
Following the 2013 Malaysian general election, Bersih convened a non-governmental People's Tribunal from 18 to 21 September 2013 to hear testimony concerning the conduct of the election.
The panel was chaired by constitutional scholar Yash Ghai and included international and Malaysian members. The tribunal received submissions on alleged electoral irregularities, constituency boundaries, campaign practices and the administration of the election.
The tribunal did not have judicial authority and its findings represented a civil society assessment rather than a legally binding determination.
In November 2013, Maria Chin Abdullah succeeded Ambiga Sreenevasan as chairperson following Bersih 2.0's internal election.
The Bersih 4 rallies were held from 29 to 30 August 2015 in Kuala Lumpur, Kuching and Kota Kinabalu. The demonstrations broadened the movement's agenda to include government accountability and institutional reform in addition to electoral issues.
The Kuala Lumpur gathering continued overnight and attracted a large crowd, although estimates of attendance varied considerably between organisers, police and media organisations.
The Bersih 5 rally was held in Kuala Lumpur on 19 November 2016 following a nationwide convoy organised by the coalition. Bersih's five principal themes were clean elections, clean government, strengthened parliamentary democracy, the right to dissent and greater empowerment of Sabah and Sarawak.
Police described the rally as peaceful, although estimates of the number of participants again differed substantially between police, organisers and independent observers.
On the eve of the rally, Maria Chin Abdullah was arrested during a police raid on Bersih's office and was subsequently detained under the Security Offences (Special Measures) Act 2012 (SOSMA). She was released after ten days in detention.
Ahead of the 2018 Malaysian general election, Bersih 2.0 worked with SUARAM, Pusat KOMAS and other civil society organisations through the PEMANTAU election-monitoring initiative.
The operation trained 100 coordinators across Malaysia and was supported by more than 500 volunteers. It monitored matters including alleged vote buying, the use of government resources, electoral-roll problems, election administration, racial campaigning and political violence.
After the election, Bersih published a detailed observation report. The report incorporated monitoring conducted during the five years preceding the election as well as reports received during the formal campaign period.
The election resulted in the first federal change of government since independence, with Pakatan Harapan defeating Barisan Nasional. Bersih continued operating after the transition and increasingly focused on institutional reform and the conduct of the new government rather than solely campaigning against the previous administration.
Maria Chin left Bersih's leadership after entering electoral politics. In October 2018, Thomas Fann was elected chairperson.
During the political crisis commonly associated with the Sheraton Move, Bersih opposed the formation of a federal government through the reconfiguration of parliamentary support without a general election and called for institutional safeguards against political defections.
In the following years, Bersih advocated reforms addressing party switching, parliamentary independence, constituency development funding, political appointments and electoral administration. It was among civil society groups pressing for legislation to address party hopping before the next general election.
In 2022, Parliament passed constitutional amendments intended to restrict party switching by Members of Parliament. Bersih continued to argue that anti-hopping provisions should operate alongside broader reforms addressing incentives for defections.
On 18 June 2022, the organisation announced that it would cease using the name Bersih 2.0 and return to Bersih, saying the change was intended to reduce public confusion about its identity.
During the 15th general election, Bersih participated in the Election Commission's accredited PEMERHATI election observation programme.
The organisation registered 100 election observers and monitored nomination, early voting and polling in 57 parliamentary constituencies. Separate teams monitored online campaigning and news coverage.
Bersih also operated a public reporting platform for alleged election offences. Its subsequent GE15 observation report classified reports involving issues such as vote buying, gifts, government handouts, use of public resources and campaigning practices.
The findings represented Bersih's monitoring and assessment of reported incidents and were not equivalent to judicial findings of electoral offences.
Thomas Fann was initially returned as chairperson for the 2023–2025 term. Soon after the steering committee election, however, he announced his resignation.
Fann said the results showed a disagreement within the coalition concerning Bersih's future direction. He favoured developing Bersih into what he described as a "people's institution", centred on policy engagement and institutional reform, while deputy chairperson Wong Yan Ke and allied committee members favoured a renewed emphasis on Bersih as a "people's movement", including grassroots mobilisation.
A new chairperson election was held on 15 December 2023. Muhammad Faisal Abdul Aziz received 23 votes against Gopalan K. Papachan's 22. Representatives of 45 of Bersih's 61 endorsing organisations participated in the ballot.
On 27 February 2024, Bersih organised a march from the vicinity of the National Monument to Parliament under the banner Reformasi 100 Peratus ("100 Per Cent Reform").
Participants presented a memorandum to government and opposition Members of Parliament calling for the implementation of electoral and institutional reforms. The demands included reforms involving Parliament, the Election Commission, political financing and the separation of the functions of the attorney general and public prosecutor.
Attendance estimates ranged from around 60 to almost 100 people. Police opened an investigation under the Peaceful Assembly Act concerning the required notification period but made no arrests during the march.
The following day, representatives of Bersih met Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim and submitted a memorandum on electoral and institutional reform. Bersih said the document incorporated policy work undertaken by the organisation since 2018.
Bersih's original agenda concentrated principally on the administration of elections. Over time, the coalition expanded its advocacy to include institutions it considers necessary for competitive and accountable democratic government.
Its areas of advocacy have included:
In July 2025, following a roundtable involving political party representatives, civil society organisations and electoral specialists, Bersih identified five electoral reforms it considered priorities.
They were:
These proposals constitute Bersih's policy positions and have not all been adopted by the Malaysian government.
Election observation became an increasingly important part of Bersih's work alongside mass mobilisation.
Bersih and partner organisations have used the name PEMANTAU for citizen election-monitoring initiatives. Monitoring activities have included documenting reported electoral offences, observing campaign practices and collecting reports from members of the public.
For GE14, PEMANTAU was organised jointly with SUARAM and Pusat KOMAS. One hundred coordinators were trained to verify reported incidents in 30 zones, with additional citizen volunteers encouraged to submit information through online and telephone reporting channels.
For GE15, Bersih observers participated under the Election Commission's formal PEMERHATI accreditation programme. Bersih stated that its observers underwent training by both the Election Commission and the organisation before deployment.
Bersih has also monitored by-elections and state elections. Its monitoring work typically distinguishes between reported incidents, incidents verified by its observers and alleged offences that would require investigation by the relevant authorities.
In addition to public demonstrations and election observation, Bersih commissions and publishes research on electoral and institutional reform.
Research commissioned or promoted by the organisation has covered issues such as election administration, political financing, parliamentary reform, judicial independence, constituency development funding and political defections.
For example, in 2021 Bersih published a study on the appointment, promotion and removal of judges and institutional safeguards for judicial independence.
The organisation also conducts stakeholder roundtables, public forums and meetings with representatives of government, opposition parties and civil society as part of its reform advocacy.
Bersih operates as a coalition of endorsing civil society organisations. Its steering committee is selected through an internal nomination and election process in which endorsing organisations participate.
Internal elections have occasionally produced competing views over the movement's strategy. The 2023 steering committee contest, followed by Thomas Fann's resignation, publicly exposed differing views over whether Bersih should prioritise institutional engagement or return to a stronger grassroots mobilisation model.
| Period | Chairperson | Notes |
|---|---|---|
| 2011–2013 | Ambiga Sreenevasan and A. Samad Said | Served as co-chairpersons during the early Bersih 2.0 period. |
| 2013–2018 | Maria Chin Abdullah | Elected to succeed Ambiga in November 2013. |
| 2018–2023 | Thomas Fann | Elected in 2018 and re-elected in 2023 before resigning following an internal dispute over organisational direction. |
| 2023–present | Muhammad Faisal Abdul Aziz | Elected in December 2023 and returned unopposed for the 2026–2028 term. |
Following the close of nominations for Bersih's 2026 internal election, one candidate had been nominated for each of the nine steering committee positions. All were therefore declared elected without a contest.
The 2026–2028 committee consists of:
| Position | Office holder |
|---|---|
| Chairperson | Muhammad Faisal Abdul Aziz |
| Deputy Chairperson | Lee See Kiang (Kelvin) |
| Vice-chairperson, Peninsular Malaysia | Azmil Mohamad Tayeb |
| Vice-chairperson, Sabah | Muhammad Fadhil Muhammad Kassim |
| Vice-chairperson, Sarawak | Ann Teo Chiang Joo |
| Treasurer | Alexzander Johnson |
| Committee member | Wong Siew Yun |
| Committee member | 'Alyaah Hani Anuar |
| Committee member | Siti Hawa Abd Wahid |
Global Bersih is an overseas network formed by members of the Malaysian diaspora supporting electoral reform and democratic participation in Malaysia.
During the Bersih 2.0 mobilisation in 2011, solidarity events were organised in cities across Australia, New Zealand, East Asia, Southeast Asia, Europe, the Middle East and North America. Global Bersih reported that 4,003 overseas Malaysians participated across 38 international locations.
Global Bersih has subsequently continued advocacy concerning overseas voting, postal ballots and participation by Malaysians living abroad.
Bersih's relationship with Malaysian political parties has been a recurring subject of debate.
Its original 2006 coalition included opposition political parties. Following its relaunch as Bersih 2.0, political parties ceased to be members and the organisation defined itself as an independent civil society coalition.
Critics have nevertheless accused Bersih at different periods of being aligned with opposition parties or, following the 2018 change of government, of favouring Pakatan Harapan.
In March 2020, Bersih rejected allegations that it had been more lenient toward the Pakatan Harapan government. The organisation cited its public criticism of Pakatan Harapan politicians, alleged use of government resources during by-elections and acceptance of political defections as examples of its willingness to criticise the then-government.
The extent to which Bersih has been perceived as a non-partisan electoral reform organisation, an opposition-aligned movement or a broader democratic movement has varied across different periods of Malaysian politics.
Questions about Bersih's funding have also attracted political and police scrutiny.
In January 2017, former Bersih 2.0 treasurer Masjaliza Hamzah was questioned by police regarding allegations concerning foreign funding of the organisation. She declined to answer police questions during the session.
The questioning did not itself establish wrongdoing by Bersih.
The 2023 leadership dispute highlighted an internal strategic debate within Bersih.
Thomas Fann argued that Malaysia's post-2018 political environment created more opportunities for policy engagement and that Bersih should develop as a durable democratic institution. Wong Yan Ke and allies advocated reviving Bersih's identity as a grassroots people's movement with a greater willingness to mobilise publicly.
The subsequent Reformasi 100 Peratus march in 2024 represented a renewed use of public mobilisation, although on a substantially smaller scale than Bersih's pre-2018 mass rallies.
Bersih has been studied in research on social movements, democratisation, political participation, digital activism and protest policing in Malaysia.
A 2018 study by Michelle Tye, Carmen Leong, Felix Tan, Barney Tan and Ying Hooi Khoo examined Bersih as a social-media-enabled social movement. The authors argued that digital platforms helped activists coordinate collective action and strengthen citizens' capacity to participate in the movement.
Amelia Johns and Niki Cheong examined the relationship between Bersih, social media, state regulation and changing patterns of participation between 2012 and 2018.
A 2021 study by Ying Hooi Khoo, Hema Preya Selvanathan and Brian Lickel used longitudinal surveys conducted around Bersih 5 and GE14. The authors found an association between expectations of Bersih's effectiveness and participants' sense of political efficacy, while noting variation between demographic groups and the limitations of their convenience samples.
Research has also examined the policing of Bersih demonstrations and the relationship between Malaysia's colonial public-order institutions and contemporary protest management.
Academic and political interpretations differ over Bersih's contribution to Malaysia's democratic transition. Studies generally treat it as one component of a broader process involving political parties, civil society organisations, changing voter behaviour, institutional developments and electoral competition rather than attributing electoral outcomes to Bersih alone.