
Social progressivism is a political philosophy and a variety of progressivism that places emphasis on the evolution of society's moral values. While closely related to cultural liberalism and coming from that tradition, social progressivism noticeably moves the focus from purely individual choice to collective justice, structural power dynamics, and group representation, seeing societal progress as requiring systemic intervention on behalf of marginalized groups to correct historical or social inequalities. These social correctives may come through public norms, institutional reform, or cultural reeducation. The more active or hands-on role for the government in social progressivism differs from other variants of cultural liberalism, such as the more hands-off cultural libertarianism.
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While the term "liberal" gained political currency in the early 19th century, the underlying principles of individual liberty and tolerance have roots in the Enlightenment and movements like the Protestant Reformation, which emphasized individual conscience. Economist Emily Chamlee-Wright has written that cultural liberalism is one of the "Four Corners of Liberalism" (the other three being economic, epistemic, and political), describing cultural liberalism as "encourag[ing] us to experiment with different ways of living. It allows us to learn that peaceful coexistence in a pluralistic society is possible. And it helps to ensure that minority communities are considered full-fledged participants in the social order." Chamlee-Wright noted a special interchange between political liberality and cultural progressivism, pointing to Jonathan Rauch's contention that "the legalization of gay marriage would not have happened without free speech, which drove cultural progress. But that cultural progress arguably accelerated change that favored a politically liberal outcome." Particularly in the United States, some scholars have noted that one of the largest differences between the progressivism of the Progressive Era and contemporary U.S. progressivism comes down to cultural politics. Princeton economics professor Thomas C. Leonard described historical progressivism in The American Conservative as being "[a]t a glance, ... not [having] much here for 21st-century progressives to claim kinship with. Today's progressives emphasize racial equality and minority rights, decry U.S. imperialism, shun biological ideas in social science, and have little use for piety or proselytizing."

In the United States, social liberalism describes progress-oriented moral and social values or stances on socio-cultural issues such as abortion and same-sex marriage as opposed to cultural or social conservatism. A social conservative or a social liberal in this sense may hold either more conservative or progressive views on fiscal policy. Cultural progressives may be economically centrist, conservative, or progressive. For instance, the Czech Pirate Party is classified as a culturally progressive party, and it calls itself "economically centrist and socially liberal."
The phrase "social justice warrior" originated in the late 20th century as a neutral or positive term for people engaged in social progressive activism. In 2011, when the term first appeared on Twitter, it changed from a primarily positive term to having a negative connotation. Social justice warrior or SJW is a generally pejorative term mostly used for an individual who promotes socially progressive views, especially regarding cultural topics.
According to The Economist, as the term woke and the #Staywoke hashtag began to spread online, the term "began to signify a progressive outlook on a host of issues as well as on race". By 2019, opponents of progressive social movements were using the term mockingly or sarcastically, implying that "wokeness" was an insincere form of performative activism. A 2025 study in Research & Politics found general agreement among members of the U.S. Democratic and Republican parties about what broadly constitutes “woke,” associating it with progressive positions on race and gender. However, Democrats associated the term with a larger range of racially and gender-progressive positions, while Republicans associated it more strongly with positions that they perceive as Democratic beliefs. Writer and activist Chloé Valdary has expressed concern about the association of "woke" with social progressivism as a "double-edged sword" which "alert[s]...systemic injustice" while simultaneously being "an aggressive, performative take on progressive politics".
When the going got tough, the economic progressives got going back to the Reagan days when the cultural progressives were to blame. Clinton's presidential campaign had "signaled cultural moderation and articulated the pocketbook frustrations of ordinary people," Robert Kuttner, editor of The American Prospect ventured. "But in office, he seemed a cultural liberal who failed to produce on economics."
The United States has undoubtedly become a fairer, more open and less oppressive society thanks largely to the political and cultural struggles waged by liberals during the past half century. The progress in securing basic human and civil rights for women, African-Americans, gay men and lesbians, immigrants and their children, Americans with disabilities and so many others is a testament to liberal courage in the face of adversity and oppression.
The rise of [social] progressivism (i.e., identity liberalism) is an era-defining shift within the political left. Until recently, left-wing ideology had been dominated by traditional liberalism, which advocates for equality through persuasion and consensus-building across voting blocs. More recently, progressivism has challenged this view, emphasizing political activism within, for example, racial and cultural identities. Differences between these factions have played out across social media (e.g., "cancel culture"), academics (e.g., "de-platforming" campus speakers), and electoral politics (e.g., "Establishment Democrats" vs. "The Squad" in the U.S. Congress).
A sample of American respondents found that advocates for "Mandated Diversity" were relatively agreeable but motivated to present themselves in an unrealistically positive light. Those who manifested "Cultural Appropriation Concerns" were associated with a preference for avoiding those with different values. Advocates for "Public Censure" were associated with a feeling of having a privileged understanding of the political right and a more negative view of oneself. Conversely, those who advocated "Recourse to Existing Institutions" placed less emphasis on individuating moral beliefs and more emphasis on communal morality. Subsequent work examined other potential differences between progressive and traditional liberals. For example, in one study conducted in the U.K., the researchers had progressive and traditional liberal participants generate prototypical images of a political ingroup and outgroup member and found that progressives generated particularly positive images of political ingroup members and particularly negative images of political outgroup members.