| Part of the Politics series |
| Democracy |
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Democracy indices / rankings are quantitative and comparative measurements of the state of democracy for different countries according to various definitions and concepts of democracy, to allow for their assessment and development.
The democracy indices / rankings differ in whether they are categorical, such as classifying countries into democracies, hybrid regimes, and autocracies, or continuous values. The qualitative nature of democracy indices / rankings enables data analytical approaches for studying causal mechanisms of regime transformation processes. Democracy indices/rankings vary in their scope and the weight assigned to different aspects of democracy. These aspects include the breadth and strength of core democratic institutions, freedom of expression, the competitiveness and inclusiveness of polyarchy, governance quality, adherence to democratic norms, co-option of opposition, and other related factors, such as electoral system manipulation, electoral fraud, and popular support of anti-democratic alternatives. Democracy indices/rankings have been subject to criticism by scholars on a number of grounds including the fundamental difficulty of defining democracy as well as methodological concerns.
Other measured aspects of democracy include voter turnout, efficiency gap, wasted vote, and political efficacy.
Democracy is a multifaceted concept encompassing the functioning of diverse institutions, many of which are challenging to measure. As a result, limitations arise in analyzing democracy's potential impacts or its relationships with other phenomena, such as inequality, poverty, and education. etc. Given the challenges of obtaining reliable data on within-country variations in aspects of democracy, much of the academic focus has been on cross-country comparisons. However, significant variations in democratic institutions can exist within individual countries, highlighting the limitations of such an approach.
Another dimension of the difficulty in measuring democracy lies in the ongoing debate between minimalist and maximalist definitions of democracy. A minimalist conception of democracy defines democracy by primarily considering the essence of democracy; such as electoral procedures. A maximalist definition of democracy can include outcomes, such as economic or administrative efficiency, into measures of democracy. Some aspects of democracy, such as responsiveness or accountability, are generally not included in democracy indices / rankings due to the difficulty measuring these aspects. Other aspects, such as judicial independence or quality of the electoral system, are included in some democracy indices / rankings but not in others.
Some measures of democracy, such as Freedom House and Polity IV, adopt a maximalist understanding of democracy by analyzing indicators that extend beyond mere electoral procedures. These measures aim to capture broader dimensions of democratic governance, reflecting a more comprehensive view of political systems. These measures attempt to gauge contestation and inclusion; two features Robert Dahl argued are essential in democracies that successfully promote accountable governments. The democratic rating given by these mainstream measures can vary greatly depending on the indicators and evidence they deploy. The definition of democracy utilized by these measures is important because of the discouraging and alienating power such ratings can have, particularly when determined by indicators which are biased toward Western democracies.
Dieter Fuchs and Edeltraud Roller argue that accurately measuring the quality of democracy requires complementing objective metrics with subjective measurements that reflect the perspectives and experiences of citizens. Similarly, Quinton Mayne and Brigitte Geißel also defend that the quality of democracy does not depend exclusively on the performance of institutions, but also on the citizens' own dispositions and commitment.
Data on democracy, and particularly global indices of democracy, and the data they rely on, have been the subject of scrutiny and criticized by various scholars. Gerardo L. Munck and Jay Verkuilen for instance, have raised concerns about the methods used by prominent democracy indices / rankings such as Freedom House and Polity, such as the concept of democracy they measured, the design of indicators, and the aggregation rule. Political scientists Andrew T. Little and Anne Meng "highlight measurement concerns regarding time-varying bias in expert-coded data" such as Freedom House and V-Dem and encourage improving expert-coding practices. Knutsen et al. did not see evidence for time-varying bias in their expert-coded data and note the application of item response theory, factor analysis and estimates of uncertainties to limit expert biases while discussing concerns in operationalization of observer-invariant measures of democracy.
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There is no single universally accepted method for conceptualizing and designating regimes, including democratic, authoritarian and totalitarian regimes. Different democracy indices use different definitions and criteria, which can affect comparisons between countries over time.
In 2015, Seva Gunitsky wrote in the Washington Post, based upon his research for Ranking the World – Grading States as a Tool of Global Governance, that measuring democracy can mislead as much as clarify – a problem for academics, policy-makers and anyone who cares about democracy. In the chapter Lost in the Gray Zone: Competing Measures of Democracy in the Former Soviet Republics he, on the example of former Soviet republics, examines fundamental problems with measures of democracy, observing that indices often disagree and occasionally draw contradictory conclusions from observing the same event. He argues that this reflects inherent tradeoffs in conceptualizing democratic governance, which arise from fundamental normative disagreements about a highly contested concept.[page needed]
In 2011, Michael Coppedge and John Gerring et al. proposed an approach to such conceptualization and measurement. In their paper Conceptualizing and Measuring Democracy: A New Approach they review some of the weaknesses among contemporary and older approaches, then lay out their approach.[undue weight? – discuss]
The authors propose to create a new set of indicators, four features, considered together, to conceptualize and measure democracy. First, historical, extending indicators of democracy back through modern history, wherever possible. Second, a multidimensional approach to the problem of conceptualizing democracy. Third, to collect information relevant to democracy at a highly disaggregated level. Fourth, transparent, a strategy for data collection and presentation that should enhance the precision, validity, transparency, and legitimacy of the resulting indicators.[page needed]
They also sum up the conceptions or aspects of democracy into six traits – electoral, liberal, majoritarian, participatory, deliberative, and egalitarian – which taken together offer a fairly comprehensive accounting of the concept of democracy as it is employed today[citation needed] (see overview in the table below).
| Conceptions of democracy – overview (Michael Coppedge, John Gerring et al., 2011) | ||||
| Principles | Question | Institutions | ||
| I. | Electoral (aka elite, minimal, realist, Schumpeterian) |
Contestation, competition | Are government offices filled by free and fair multiparty elections? | Elections, political parties, competitiveness and turnover |
| II. | Liberal (aka consensus, pluralist) |
Limited government, multiple veto points, horizontal accountability, individual rights, civil liberties, transparency | Is political power decentralized & constrained? | Multiple, independent, and decentralized, with special focus on the role of the media, interest groups, the judiciary, and a written constitution with explicit guarantees |
| III. | Majoritarian (aka responsible party government) |
Majority rule, centralization, vertical accountability | Does the majority (or plurality) rule? | Consolidated and centralized, with special focus on the role of political parties |
| IV. | Participatory | Government by the people | Do ordinary citizens participate in politics? | Election law, civil society, local government, direct democracy |
| V. | Deliberative | Government by reason | Are political decisions the product of public deliberation? | Media, hearings, panels, other deliberative bodies |
| VI. | Egalitarian | Political equality | Are all citizens equally empowered? | Designed to ensure equal participation, representation, protection, and politically relevant resources |