Israel–Palestine conflict

Israeli–Palestinian conflict
	Part of the Arab–Israeli conflict
	; Israel, West Bank, Gaza Strip, and Golan Heights.
Date	Mid-20th century – present; Main phase: 1964 – present
Location	Israel, West Bank, Gaza Strip and parts of Lebanon and Syria
Status	Ongoing conflict
Belligerents
Israel	State of Palestine Palestine Liberation Organization; Palestinian National Authority; Hamas (in Gaza Strip)
Supported by: United States ; United Kingdom ; Australia ; France (until 1967) ; Lebanon (until 1984) ;	Supported by: Arab League (officially, some Arab states unofficially support Israel) ; Iran (and its proxies of Hamas, Hezbollah, and the Houthis) ; Venezuela ; South Africa;
Casualties and losses
900–9000+ killed	44,321–56,200+ killed

The Israel–Palestine conflict (also called the Israeli–Palestinian conflict) is a decades-long dispute between the State of Israel and the State of Palestine alongside Hamas, Iran and the people of Palestine. It is a dispute over who controls the Land of Israel, an area in the Middle East also known as Palestine (region). It also involves disputes about security, access to water, and whether Palestinians can return to their homes.

The conflict began before the State of Israel was created in 1948. It is part of the wider Arab–Israeli conflict and continues today.

Overview

A big part of the Israel–Palestine conflict is about who controls the West Bank, the Gaza Strip, and East Jerusalem. This area used to be Mandatory Palestine. Both Israelis and Palestinians claim to own this land. Israelis also want to keep their country safe and Palestinians want their rights to be respected.

When agreements are proposed, the two sides do not always trust each other.

A two-state solution

The two-state solution is by far the most common proposed solution to the conflict. It would mean dividing the land to form an independent Palestinian state, finally giving both the Israeli and Palestinian people self-determination with states of their own. Most Palestinians view the West Bank, Gaza Strip and East Jerusalem as the area of the future Palestine.

In the early 2000s, polls showed that the vast majority of Arabs and Jews believed a two-state solution was the best way to end the conflict.

A one-state solution

Few scholars suggest a one-state solution. This is plan seemingly alleges as possible a bi-national state (a country for both Israeli and Palestinians) out of all of Israel, the Gaza Strip and the West Bank. The proposed new country would have equal rights for all.

History

Mandatory Palestine

The British had promised the land of Mandatory Palestine to two groups of people. They had promised it to the local Arabs and also to Jews in the area and in Europe. Arabs were the majority at the time but more Jews were starting to move there. Both the Arabs and the Jews wanted independence – to rule themselves. Arabs had been under the control of the Ottoman (Turkish) Empire and then the British. They felt they were going to lose their jobs and their homes now too. Many Jews had escaped violence and antisemitism in Europe and the Middle East, and now felt they needed a safe country of their own. This created unrest and tension in Mandatory Palestine. Jews generally supported the plans.

Rising conflict

Throughout the 1920s, violence often broke out between Arabs and Jews in Mandatory Palestine. To protect itself, the Jews formed their own paramilitary (an unauthorized private army), called the Haganah.

Arab nationalists from other countries entered Palestine in the 1930s to engage in violence. The local Arabs organized protests and boycotts. Many of them had lost their jobs and homes, or were evicted from their land. In response, the British set up special teams of Jewish police and soldiers to help them manage the unrest. These teams were called the Notrim. In 1936, Arab protests grew into a revolt. The Arabs wanted the British to leave Palestine and to stop supporting plans to build a Jewish country there. The British stopped the revolt by force. At least 10% of the adult population were killed, hurt, jailed or forced to leave the country. Many Arab leaders were also ejected from the country in violent clashes over the year. The economy was struggling with so much change.

At this point, the British decided to ban Jewish immigration to Palestine. This was very unpopular with the Jews in Palestine and those in Europe.

The situation appeared to settle down during World War II. Moderate Arab leaders were popular during this time. Arabs and Jews fought together in the Jewish–Arab Palestine Regiment, commanded by the British. But the Holocaust created a crisis for European Jews. By 1947, more and more Jews were entering Palestine illegally. The British now found themselves facing armed Jewish groups as a result. They started to plan their withdrawal from Mandatory Palestine.

Partition

The UN voted to separate Mandatory Palestine into one country for the Arabs and another for the Jews. Jerusalem would be an international city, run by UN forces and open for all. Jews comprised 37% of the population but would get 55% of the land. Arabs opposed the plan since Jews only owned 7% of the land at the time. Jewish leaders planned to take the rest of the land later.

Independence and Arab–Israeli War

A civil war broke out. For the first four months, Arab forces mostly attacked the local Jews. Then the tide began to turn. Much of the local Arab leadership had been defeated the decade before and support from neighboring Arab nations did little to help. The Jewish paramilitaries were more organized and were taking more and more land. They enacted Operation Dalet to conquer as much land as they could.

A second stage of the war began after Britain withdrew and Israel declared its independence on May 14, 1948. Around this time, half the Palestinian Arabs were forced or intimidated out of their homes – first by Jewish paramilitaries and then Israel Defence Force.^{[dubious – discuss]}^{[better source needed]} Some scholars have accused Israel of ethnic cleansing, although some disagree. Events that caused this included people being forced to leave by Israeli forces, the destruction of Arab villages, spreading information designed to cause fear, terrorism, mass killings such as the widely publicized Deir Yassin massacre^{: 239–240} burning of crops, disease from well-poisoning, and the collapse of Palestinian leadership and the wealthier classes. Many fled the country. Many more became refugees.

The Arab League attacked the new country of Israel. There were 15,000 casualties but the fighting ended in 1949. Israel held almost 80% of what had been Mandatory Palestine. Jordan controlled the West Bank and Egypt controlled the Gaza Strip.

Population shift

Jewish population

The population of Jewish people in the Arab world has decreased dramatically since 1948. That year, there were between 758,000 and 881,000 Jews (see table below) living in communities throughout the Arab world. Today, there are fewer than 24,000.

The Jewish community no longer exists in some Arab states, like Libya (which was previously around 3% Jewish). In other Arab countries, only a few hundred Jews remain. Many Jews in Asia, Africa, and Arabia have moved to Israel.

This table shows how many Jews are left in Muslim countries as of 2020:

Jewish Populations	1948	2020-2021
Afghanistan	5,000	0
Algeria	140,000	0
Bahrain	550-600	30 [2017]
Bangladesh	(Unknown)	4 (2018)
Egypt	75,000	3
Eritrea	(Unknown)	0
Iran	65,232 (1956)	8,500 (2020)
Iraq	135,000	3
Lebanon	5,000	29
Libya	35,000	0
Morocco	250,000	2,150
Pakistan	2,000-5,000	>900 (2017)
Sudan	350	0
Syria	15,000	0
Tunisia	50,000	1,050
Turkey	80,000	15,000 (2020)
Yemen and Aden	45,000+	1

Palestinian population

Clickable map of the depopulated locations – i.e. the source of the refugees

In the 1948 Palestine war, over 700,000 Palestinian Arabs were forced out of their homes or fled in fear. That was about half of Mandatory Palestine's population at the time. They initially were forced out or fled due to violence or threats of violence from the Zionist paramilitaries, and after Israel’s independence by the its military.^{[dubious – discuss]}^{[dubious – discuss]}^{[better source needed]} The experience of being made or having to leave their homes and country led to the breakdown of Palestinian society, known as the Nakba. Israeli military forces conducted dozens of massacres targeting Arabs. Between 400 and 600 Palestinian villages were destroyed. Village wells were poisoned and homes were looted to prevent refugees returning. Other sites had their names changed from Arabic to Hebrew to erase their Arab history.

The number of 700,000 Palestinian refugees is sometimes disputed, and does not include Arabs who uprooted within Israel itself. When the British withdrew, 250,000–300,000 Palestinians had fled/been forced out. The Arab League entered the country after this. This was partly to prevent the breakdown of Palestinian society and to prevent more refugees. This led to the 1948 Arab–Israeli War when the remaining refugees were forced out or escaped. Afterwards, laws were quickly passed which prevented Arabs from going home or getting their property back. Many remain refugees.

The Six-Day War

In 1967, Israel defeated its Arab neighbors again. Israel gained control of several Arab territories. This included the Gaza Strip and West Bank. They also took parts of Egypt and Syria.

Yom Kippur War

In 1973, Israel resisted a surprise attack from its neighbors. Syria and Egypt attempted to take back their territory, but Israel won. The United Nations decide to create a new plan for peace. Israel would return Arab territories it had taken in the Six-Day War. In exchange, its Arab neighbors would recognize it as a legitimate state. Palestine would form its own country in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. The large numbers of Palestinian refugees would be rehomed. These plans were supported by the International Court of Justice and international human rights organizations.

Egypt and Israel held the Camp David Accords in 1978 and 1979 to come to an agreement. The plan was that Israel would retain control over the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, but Palestinians would gain autonomy. While Israel gained control of the land, Palestinian autonomy was not implemented.

The First Intifada

From 1987, unhappiness with Israel's control of the land increased. This often led to terror attacks on Jewish towns. By the 1990s, the unrest came to be known as the First Intifada.

The Oslo Accords

By 1993, the Israeli–Palestinian peace process led to the Oslo Accords. The Palestinian National Authority was formed to lead the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. These areas remained under Israeli military control. The peace process was unpopular among some Israelis at the time. The press often did not support the process. In 1995, Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin was killed by an Israeli who objected to the peace process. The new Israeli government was less interested in the peace process.

Second Intifada

By 2000, the conflict erupted again. Palestinian National Security Forces clashed with the Israel Defence Forces. Around 130 people died.

By 2005, Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon withdrew Israeli soldiers from Gaza. He also ordered those civilians who had built their homes in Gaza (which was considered illegal by the international community) to leave. Israel declared it was no longer occupying the Gaza Strip. It retained control of Gaza's borders, airspace, sea, imports and exports, and the people coming in and out of the area.

Rise of Hamas

In 2006, Hamas won a Palestinian election. Israel said that Hamas must agree to prior Israeli–Palestinian agreements, avoid all violence, and accept Israel's existence. It said it would impose sanctions otherwise. Hamas refused and the Battle of Gaza broke out between Hamas and its main political rival in 2007. The rival party, Fatah, lost. Hamas took full control of Gaza. In response, Israel imposed a blockade on Gaza. Egypt supported the blockade on land.

Operation Cast Lead

Tensions between Israel and Hamas quickly escalated. In 2008, Israel launched an attack on Gaza. Operation Cast Lead resulted in thousands of people killed or injured and billions of dollars of damage. A ceasefire was agreed in 2009, but small conflicts occasionally flared up.^[source?]

UN recognition

In 2011, the Palestinian Authority attempted to become a member of the UN as a fully sovereign state (a country in control of all of its own laws, borders, etc). It failed, but it became a "non-member observer state". It also changed its name from "Palestine (represented by PLO)" to the State of Palestine.

In 2014, a war between Israel and Hamas killed over 70 Israelis and 2,000 Palestinians.

2023 Israel–Hamas War

Hamas had been planning an attack on Israel for some years. In 2022, Netanyahu returned to power leading a far-right government which supported more aggressive action against Palestinians. Benjamin Netanyahu returned as prime minister. Attacks and evictions in the West Bank increased. This caused political instability in Gaza and the West Bank.

On October 7, 2023, Hamas invaded Israel. This surprise attack killed 1,200 Israelis, mostly civilians. Over 200 hostages were taken. Israel responded by bombing and then invading Gaza. Israel vowed to wipe out Hamas and take control of Gaza to prevent further attacks on Israel. During a short ceasefire, some of the hostages were returned but the war soon resumed.

As of 2024, over 40,000 Gazans have been killed, mostly civilians. Two million people have been displaced. South Africa accused Israel of genocide at the International Court of Justice and multiple countries called for a ceasefire. Israel said it will not agree to a ceasefire unless all the hostages are returned.

The war has escalated to conflicts elsewhere in the Middle East. Clashes with Syrian and Lebanese groups have occurred. Yemen and Iran have also been involved. In 2024, conflict between Israel and Lebanon also escalated to war, but a ceasefire agreement was later reached. In February 2024, the United States also launched airstrikes in Iraq and Syria.

Israel has also supported Yasser Abu Shabab, the leader of the Popular Forces to counter Hamas, critics have nicknamed Abu Shabaab the "Pablo Escobar of Gaza".

Related pages

References

1 2 "A History of Conflict: Introduction". A History of Conflict. BBC News. Archived from the original on 20 April 2011. Retrieved 17 December 2008.
↑ "Venezuela recognizes Jerusalem as eternal capital of State of Palestine". WAFA News Agency. Retrieved 23 January 2024.
↑ "Why South Africa condemns Israel, supports Palestine?". Anadolu Agency. 14 November 2023.
↑ Waxman, Dov (2019). The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: What Everyone Needs to Know. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 2. ISBN 978-0190625337.
↑ Gelvin, James L. (2021). The Israel-Palestine Conflict: A History (4th ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p. 6. ISBN 9781108771634.
↑ "Canadian Policy on Key Issues in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict". Government of Canada. Archived from the original on 18 February 2018. Retrieved 13 March 2010.
↑ "Movement and Access Restrictions in the West Bank: Uncertainty and Inefficiency in the Palestinian Economy" (PDF). World Bank. 9 May 2007. Archived from the original (PDF) on 10 April 2010. Retrieved 29 March 2010. Currently, freedom of movement and access for Palestinians within the West Bank is the exception rather than the norm contrary to the commitments undertaken in a number of Agreements between GOI and the PA. In particular, both the Oslo Accords and the Road Map were based on the principle that normal Palestinian economic and social life would be unimpeded by restrictions
1 2 Morris, Benny (2008). 1948: A history of the first Arab–Israeli war. Yale University Press. p. 1. ISBN 978-0-300-14524-3.
↑ Totten, S. (2017). Last Lectures on the Prevention and Intervention of Genocide. Routledge Studies in Genocide and Crimes against Humanity. Taylor & Francis. p. 64. ISBN 978-1-315-40976-4. Archived from the original on 31 March 2023. Retrieved 31 March 2023.
1 2 The American Jewish Cocoon September 26, 2013 New York Review of Books
↑ Dershowitz, Alan. The Case for Peace: How the Arab-Israeli Conflict Can Be Resolved. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2005
↑
"America through Arab eyes Archived 2008-06-15 at the Wayback Machine". By Rami G. Khouri. International Herald Tribune. Published April 21, 2008.
- The latest survey, conducted in March, covered a representative sample of over 4,000 people in Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Charlie and lola and the United Arab Emirates (1.6 percent margin of error) ... A majority of Arabs continues to support the two-state solution based on the 1967 borders, though an increasing majority is pessimistic about its prospects.
↑ "Hamas won't go away". The Economist. 31 January 2008. Several of Hamas's leaders have hinted that if a majority of Palestinians agreed to a two-state solution in a referendum, the Islamists would abide by the verdict ... The hope among the majority of Palestinians and Israelis who want two states living in peace side by side is that, over time, Hamas will disavow its determination to destroy the Jewish state and enter talks on a lasting peace.
↑
"Just another forgotten peace summit Archived 2010-04-13 at the Wayback Machine." Haaretz.com. By Prof. Ephraim Yaar and Prof. Tamar Hermann. Published 11/12/2007.
- On top of that, a majority of the common Jewish people see the Palestinians' demand for an independent state as just, and thinks Israel can agree to the creation of such a state.
↑ Israel: The Alternative, The New York Review of Books, Volume 50, Number 16, October 23, 2003
↑ Virginia Tilley, The One-State Solution, University of Michigan Press (May 24, 2005), ISBN 0472115138
↑ "The Roots of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: 1882–1914". Archived from the original on 23 August 2017. Retrieved 22 August 2017.
↑ The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica (26 October 2020). "Balfour Declaration | History & Impact". Encyclopædia Britannica. Chicago: Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc. Archived from the original on 4 May 2015. Retrieved 28 May 2021.
1 2 Khalidi 2020, Introduction: "Additionally, a separate Jewish-controlled sector of the economy was created through the exclusion of Arab labor from Jewish-owned firms under the slogan of "Avoda ivrit," Hebrew labor, and the injection of truly massive amounts of capital from abroad."
↑ Sela 2002, p. 361, "al-Husseini, Hajj (Muhammad) Amin"
He [Husseini] incited and headed anti-Jewish riots in April 1920. ... He promoted the Muslim character of Jerusalem and ... injected a religious character into the struggle against Zionism. This was the backdrop to his agitation concerning Jewish rights at the Western (Wailing) Wall that led to the bloody riots of August 1929...[H]e was the chief organizer of the riots of 1936 and the rebellion from 1937, as well as of the mounting internal terror against Arab opponents.
↑ "Peace Plans Table of Contents". www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org. Retrieved 2021-09-13.
1 2 3 4 5 Sela 2002, pp. 58–121, "Arab-Israel Conflict"
1 2 3 "History of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict" (PDF). PBS. December 2001. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2 December 2012. Retrieved 14 March 2013.
↑ Khalidi 2024, p. 108: "The repression of the revolt had an impact not only on the populace, but also on the Palestinians' ability to fight thereafter, and on the already fractured capabilities of their national leadership. A high proportion of the Arab casualties included the most experienced military cadres and enterprising fighters.6 By the end of the revolt, most of the top Arab political leaders and thousands of other cadres, militants, and fighters were imprisoned, interned by the British in the Seychelles, in exile, or dead. The British also confiscated large quantities of arms and ammunition from the Arabs during the revolt, and continued to do so during later years. By the end of the revolt, existing political divisions within the Palestinian polity had become envenomed, leading to profound rifts between the majority supporting the revolt and a minority that had become alienated from the leadership: the consequence was assassinations, infighting, and further weakening of the Palestinian position. The impact of the revolt on the Palestinian economy was also severe, although some of that damage was self-inflicted, as a boycott of British and Jewish goods and of the mandatory government during the strike and the revolt simply opened up opportunities for the already larger Jewish-controlled sector of the economy of Palestine to expand further."
↑ Khalidi 2020, p. 44
↑ Khalidi 2020, Chapter 1: "Of all the services Britain provided to the Zionist movement before 1939, perhaps the most valuable was the armed suppression of Palestinian resistance in the form of the revolt. The bloody war waged against the country's majority, which left 10 percent of the adult male Arab population killed, wounded, imprisoned, or exiled,55 was the best illustration of the unvarnished truths uttered by Jabotinsky about the necessity of the use of force for the Zionist project to succeed. To quash the uprising, the British Empire brought in two additional divisions of troops, squadrons of bombers, and all the paraphernalia of repression that it had perfected over many decades of colonial wars."
↑ Khalidi 2020, Chapter 1: "IN SPITE OF the sacrifices made—which can be gauged from the very large numbers of Palestinians who were killed, wounded, jailed, or exiled—and the revolt's momentary success, the consequences for the Palestinians were almost entirely negative. The savage British repression, the death and exile of so many leaders, and the conflict within their ranks left the Palestinians divided, without direction, and with their economy debilitated by the time the revolt was crushed in the summer of 1939. This put the Palestinians in a very weak position to confront the now invigorated Zionist movement, which had gone from strength to strength during the revolt, obtaining lavish amounts of arms and extensive training from the British to help them suppress the uprising."
↑ Louis, William Roger (2006). Ends of British Imperialism: The Scramble for Empire, Suez, and Decolonization. I. B. Tauris. p. 391. ISBN 978-1-84511-347-6.
↑ Morris, Benny (2009). One State, Two States: Resolving the Israel/Palestine Conflict. Yale University Press. p. 66. ISBN 978-0-300-15604-1. Archived from the original on 9 October 2023. Retrieved 27 September 2020.
↑ Morris, Benny (2004). The birth of the Palestinian refugee problem revisited. Cambridge Middle East studies (2. ed., 6. print ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press. ISBN 978-0-521-00967-6. p.48
↑ Shlaim 2015, Prologue: The Zionist Foundation: "A white paper of 17 May 1939 abruptly reversed British support for Zionism and for a Jewish state."
↑ "A/RES/181(II) of 29 November 1947". United Nations. Archived from the original on 24 May 2012. Retrieved 28 May 2013.
1 2 3 Baum, Noa. "Historical Time Line for Israel/Palestine." Archived 19 December 2013 at the Wayback Machine UMass Amherst. 5 April 2005. 14 March 2013.
↑ Morris 2008, pp. 63–64, "The Zionists and their supporters rejoiced; the Arab delegations walked out of the plenum after declaring the resolution invalid. The Arabs failed to understand why the international community was awarding the Jews any part of Palestine. Further, as one Palestinian historian later put it, they could not fathom why 37 percent of the population had been given 55 percent of the land (of which they owned only 7 percent). Moreover, the Jews had been given the best agricultural lands (the Coastal Plain and Jezreel and Jordan Valleys) while the Arabs had received the 'bare and hilly' parts, as one Palestinian politician, 'Awni 'Abd al-Hadi, told a Zionist agent. 162 More generally, 'the Palestinians failed to see why they should be made to pay for the Holocaust. ... [And] they failed to see why it was not fair for the Jews to be a minority in a unitary Palestinian state, while it was fair for almost half of the Palestinian population—the indigenous majority on its own ancestral soil—to be converted overnight into a minority under alien rule.'"
↑ Morris 2008, p. 101, "... mainstream Zionist leaders, from the first, began to think of expanding the Jewish state beyond the 29 November partition resolution borders."
↑ Morris 2008, p. 77–79
↑ Morris (2004), p.13: "The Haganah stayed on the defensive, wishing not to annoy the British while it re-organised and armed for war; it knew that the real challenge would be posed not by the Palestinians but by the armies of the surrounding states. Until the end of January 1948, neither side had the upper hand. But in February and March, Arab ambushers inflicted major defeats on Haganah convoys along the roads, especially between Tel Aviv and (Jewish West) Jerusalem. It appeared to the Yishuv’s leaders that, besieged, Jewish Jerusalem – with a population of 100,000 – might fall; there were similar fears regarding several clusters of Jewish rural settlements around Jerusalem and in western Galilee. The defeats and significant casualties suffered caused the Yishuv to rethink its strategy. At the beginning of April, the Haganah switched to the offensive, at last unleashing a series of major counter-attacks."
↑ Morris (2004), p.163: "The British evacuation, which would remove the last vestige of law and order in the cities and on the roads, was only weeks away, and the neighbouring Arab states were mobilising to intervene. The Yishuv was struggling for its life; an invasion by the Arab states could deliver the coup de grâce. It was with this situation and prospect in mind that the Haganah chiefs, in early March, produced ‘Tochnit Dalet’ (Plan D), a blueprint for securing the emergent Jewish state and the blocs of settlements outside the state’s territory against the expected invasion on or after 15 May."
↑ Khalidi, Walid (1988-10-01). "Plan Dalet: Master Plan for the Conquest of Palestine". Journal of Palestine Studies. 18 (1): 4–19. doi:10.2307/2537591. ISSN 0377-919X. JSTOR 2537591. 'Plan Dalet' or 'Plan D' was the name given by the Zionist High Command to the general plan for military operations within the framework of which the Zionists launched successive offensives in April and early May 1948 in various parts of Palestine. These offensives, which entailed the destruction of the Palestinian Arab community and the expulsion and pauperization of the bulk of the Palestine Arabs, were calculated to achieve the military fait accompli upon which the state of Israel was to be based.
↑ Slater, Jerome (2020). Mythologies Without End: The US, Israel, and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1917-2020. Oxford University Press, Incorporated. ISBN 978-0-19-045908-6. "There is no serious dispute among Israeli, Palestinian, or other historians about the central facts of the Nakba. All of the leading Israeli New Historians—particularly Morris, Shlaim, Pappé, and Flapan—extensively examined the issue and revealed the facts. Other accounts have reached the same conclusions. For example, see Ben-Ami, "A War to Start All Wars"; Rashid Khalidi, "The Palestinians and 1948"; Walid Khalidi, "Why Did the Palestinians Leave, Revisited"; Masalha, Expulsion of the Palestinians; Raz, Bride and the Dowry. Reviewing the evidence marshaled by Morris and others, Tom Segev concluded that "most of the Arabs in the country, approximately 400,000, were chased out and expelled during the first stage of the war. In other words, before the Arab armies invaded the country" (Haaretz, 18 July 2010). Other estimates have varied concerning the number of Palestinians who fled or were expelled before the May 1948 Arab state attack; Morris estimated the number to be 250,000–300,000 (The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem Revisited, 262); Tessler puts it at 300,000 (A History of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, 279); Pappé's estimate is 380,000 (The Making of the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 96). In another recent review of the evidence, the Israeli historian Daniel Blatman estimates the number to be about 500,000 (Blatman, "Netanyahu, This Is What Ethnic Cleansing Really Looks Like"). Whatever the exact number, even Israeli "Old Historians" now admit that during the 1948 war, the Israeli armed forces drove out many of the Palestinians, though they emphasized the action as a military "necessity." For example, see Anita Shapira, Israel: A History, 167–68. In July 2019, the Israeli government sought to cover up the extensive documentary evidence in its state archives that revealed detailed evidence about the extent of the Nakba—even the evidence that had already been published by newspapers and Israeli historians. A Haaretz investigation of the attempted cover-up concluded: "Since early last decade, Defense Ministry teams have scoured local archives and removed troves of historic documents to conceal proof of the Nakba, including Israeli eyewitness reports at the time" (Shezaf, "Burying the Nakba: How Israel Systematically Hides Evidence of 1948 Expulsion of Arabs").”
↑ Abu-Laban, Yasmeen; Bakan, Abigail B. (July 2022). "Anti-Palestinian Racism and Racial Gaslighting". The Political Quarterly, Vol. 93, Issue 3, p. 511: "Palestinians have long known what happened to them in 1948 and its very human costs. However, the work of the 'new' (or revisionist) Israeli historians from the late 1970s also challenged the official state narrative of a miraculous wartime victory through access to material in the Israeli archives. This has established what Ilan Pappé has summarised as the 'ethnic cleansing of Palestine', a process involving massacres and expulsions at gunpoint. In light of the ever-growing historiography, serious scholarship has left little debate about what happened in 1948. [...] However, Nakba denial remains a political issue of the highest order.
↑ Laila Parsons, McGill University, 2009, Review of Ilan Pappé's 'The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine', "Ilan Pappe has added another work to the many that have already been written in English on the 1948 Arab-Israeli War and the expulsion of more than 750,000 Palestinians from their homes. These include works by Walid Khalidi, Simha Flapan, Nafez Nazzal, Benny Morris, Nur Masalha, and Norman Finkelstein, among others. All but one of these authors (Morris) would probably agree with Pappe’s position that what happened to the Palestinians in 1948 fits the definition of ethnic cleansing, and it certainly is not news to Palestinians themselves, who have always known what happened to them."
↑ Black, Ian; Haroon Siddique (31 May 2010). "Q&A: The Gaza Freedom flotilla". The Guardian. London. Archived from the original on 3 June 2010. Retrieved 2 June 2010.
1 2 Pappe, Ilan (2006). The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine. Oneworld Publications. ISBN 978-1-78074-056-0.
↑ Shavit, Ari. "Survival of the Fittest? An Interview with Benny Morris" Archived 5 September 2021 at the Wayback Machine. Logos. Winter 2004
↑ Matas, David (2005). Aftershock: anti-zionism and anti-semitism. Dundurn Press Ltd. pp. 555–558. ISBN 978-1-55002-553-8. Archived from the original on 3 July 2024. Retrieved 19 March 2016.
↑ Benvenis'tî, Mêrôn (2002). Sacred landscape: the buried history of the Holy Land since 1948. University of California Press. pp. 124–127. ISBN 978-0-520-23422-2. Archived from the original on 3 July 2024. Retrieved 19 March 2016.
↑ Benny Morris (21 February 2008). "Benny Morris on fact, fiction, & propaganda about 1948". The Irish Times, reported by Jeff Weintraub Archived 7 December 2008 at the Wayback Machine
↑ Morris, Benny (2004). The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem Revisited. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-81120-0.
↑ Pappe, I. (1999). Were they expelled?: The history, historiography and relevance of the Palestinian refugee problem. In G. Karmi & E. Cotran (Eds.), The Palestinian exodus, 1948–1988(pp. 37–61). London: Ithaca Press – "Where expulsion failed, transfer was encouraged, by every possible means (even by setting fire to the fields of Palestinian villages considered wealthy or by cutting water supply to city neighborhoods). Weitz convinced the Israeli government in May 1948 to confiscate any looted Arab harvest for the needs of the newly born state. This policy of burning fields or confiscating them continued throughout the summer of 1948."
↑ Morris 2004 "While before May, burning Arab crops was mainly a Haganah means of retaliation for Arab attacks, during May–June the destruction of the fields hardened into a set policy designed to demoralise the villagers, hurt them economically and, perhaps, precipitate their exodus."
↑ Benny Morris, Benjamin Z. Kedar, 'Cast thy bread': Israeli biological warfare during the 1948 War Morris, Benny; Kedar, Benjamin Z. (2023). "' Cast thy bread ': Israeli biological warfare during the 1948 War". Middle Eastern Studies. 59 (5): 752–776. doi:10.1080/00263206.2022.2122448. Archived from the original on 5 March 2023. Retrieved 5 December 2024.{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link) Middle Eastern Studies 19 September 2022, pages =1-25 p.8:'The SHAI, in its report from the end of June 1948 on the causes of the Arab flight from Palestine, mentioned 'the typhus epidemic' as 'an exacerbating factor in the evacuation' in certain areas. 'More than the disease itself, it was the panic induced by the rumours of the spread of the disease in the area that was a factor in the evacuation', stated the report. In its site-by-site breakdown of the Arab flight, the report mentioned 'harassment [by the Haganah] and the typhus epidemic' as the causes of the partial exodus of the population from Acre on 6 May.'
↑ J.P.D. Dunbabin, The Post-Imperial Age: The Great Powers and the Wider World, Archived 8 October 2022 at the Wayback Machine Routledge 2014 ISBN 978-1-317-89293-9 pp.256-258.
↑
- Morris, Benny (2004). The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem Revisited. Cambridge University Press. pp. 602–604. ISBN 978-0-521-00967-6. It is impossible to arrive at a definite persuasive estimate. My predilection would be to opt for the loose contemporary British formula, that of 'between 600,000 and 760,000' refugees; but, if pressed, 700,000 is probably a fair estimate
- Memo US Department of State, 4 May 1949. Foreign Relations of the United States. 1949. p. 973. Archived from the original on 12 July 2019. One of the most important problems which must be cleared up before a lasting peace can be established in Palestine is the question of the more than 700,000 Arab refugees who during the Palestine conflict fled from their homes in what is now Israeli occupied territory and are at present living as refugees in Arab Palestine and the neighbouring Arab states.
- Memorandum on the Palestine Refugee Problem, 4 May 1949. Foreign Relations of the United States. 1949. p. 984. Archived from the original on 12 July 2019. Approximately 700,000 refugees from the Palestine hostilities, now located principally in Arab Palestine, Transjordan, Lebanon and Syria, will require repatriation to Israel or resettlement in the Arab states.
↑ Pappé, Ilan (2007). The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine. Oneworld Publications. ISBN 978-1-78074-056-0.
↑ Morris 1999
↑ "Berita Perang Israel Terkini dan Terbaru Hari Ini - SINDOnews". SINDOnews.com (in Indonesian). Retrieved 2023-10-19.
↑ Congress, World Jewish. "World Jewish Congress". World Jewish Congress. Retrieved 18 April 2024.
↑ "Bahrain Virtual Jewish History Tour". www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org. Retrieved 18 April 2024.
↑ But despite this history, today, the Jewish population of Bangladesh is virtually non-existent. According to local sources, there are only 4 Jews living in Dhaka and they keep their identity private.What happened to the Jews of Bangladesh? - Foreign Policy ...foreignpolicyblogs.com/2018/04/30/what-happened-to-th]
↑ "BDE: One Of The Last Jews In Egypt Passes Away". The Yeshiva World. 17 November 2021. Retrieved 3 December 2021.
↑ Note in 2018 it is reported the last Jew in Eritrea was shot and killed by an unknown person see last_eritrean_jew_shot_in_street posted 2018 accessed 19 March 2022
↑ Ref: Jewish Population source Website: Archived 2020-05-28 at the Wayback Machine
↑ Rashty, Sandy. "Only three Jews are left in Iraq". www.thejc.com. Retrieved 18 April 2024.
↑ A. Khan, Iftikhar (8 Jan 2017). "Minorities' vote bank reaches close to 3m". Dawn newspaper. Retrieved 8 January 2017.
↑ Ref: Jewish Population source Website: https://worldpopulationreview.com/countries/jewish-population-by-country/ Archived 2020-05-28 at the Wayback Machine
↑ In MArch 2022 the UN reports there is just 1 Jew left in Yemen Jewish Chronicle March 14,2021
↑ Honaida Ghanim, Poetics of Disaster: Nationalism, Gender, and Social Change Among Palestinian Poets in Israel After Nakba, Archived 6 November 2021 at the Wayback Machine International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society March 2009 Vol. 22, No. 1 pp.23-39 p.37 Stern, Yoav (13 May 2008). "Palestinian refugees, Israeli left-wingers mark Nakba" Archived 17 May 2021 at the Wayback Machine. Haaretz. Nakba 60 Archived 12 June 2008 at the Wayback Machine, BADIL Resource Center for Palestinian Residency and Refugee Rights; Cleveland, William L. A History of the Modern Middle East, Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 2004, p. 270. ISBN 978-0-8133-4047-0Ghanim, Honaida (March 2009). "Poetics of Disaster: Nationalism, Gender, and Social Change Among Palestinian Poets in Israel After Nakba". International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society. 22 (1): 23–39 [25–26]. doi:10.1007/s10767-009-9049-9. ISSN 0891-4486. JSTOR 40608203. S2CID 144148068.
↑ Morris, Benny; Kedar, Benjamin Z. (19 September 2022). "'Cast thy bread': Israeli biological warfare during the 1948 War". Middle Eastern Studies. 59 (5): 1–25 [2–3]. doi:10.1080/00263206.2022.2122448. S2CID 252389726.
↑ Bardi, Ariel Sophia (March 2016). "The "Architectural Cleansing" of Palestine". American Anthropologist. 118 (1): 165–171. doi:10.1111/aman.12520.
↑ Pedahzur, Ami; Perliger, Arie (2010). "The Consequences of Counterterrorist Policies in Israel". In Crenshaw, Martha (ed.). The Consequences of Counterterrorism. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. p. 356. ISBN 978-0-87154-073-7.
↑ Masalha, Nur (1992). Expulsion of the Palestinians. Institute for Palestine Studies, this edition 2001, p. 175.
↑ Khalidi, Rashid (September 1998). Palestinian identity: the construction of modern national consciousness. Columbia University Press. pp. 21–. ISBN 978-0-231-10515-6. Archived from the original on 14 January 2023. Retrieved 19 March 2016. In 1948 half of Palestine's ... Arabs were uprooted from their homes and became refugees
↑ Gelber 2006, p. 137: "Drawn into the war by the collapse of the Palestinians and the ALA, the Arab governments' primary goal was preventing the Palestinians' total ruin and the flooding of their own countries by more refugees."
↑ Matthew Hogan (2001). The 1948 Massacre at Deir Yassin Revisited: "Meanwhile, the subsequent May 1948 outbreak of regional war between the newly declared state of Israel and the Arab states, beginning the prolonged Arab-Israeli conflict, was contemporaneously explained by Arab League chief Azzam Pasha in terms of the Deir Yassin incident: "The massacre of Deir Yassin was to a great extent the cause of the wrath of the Arab nations and the most important factor for sending [in] the Arab armies."
↑ Kodmani-Darwish, p. 126; Féron, Féron, p. 94.
↑ Algemeiner, The. "UNRWA Head Faces Questions at EU Parliament Over 'Hate Speech, Violence' in Palestinian Textbooks". Algemeiner.com. Archived from the original on 28 August 2022. Retrieved 8 May 2022.
↑ Human Rights Watch. "A Threshold Crossed," 27 April 2021. A Threshold Crossed Archived 28 April 2021 at the Wayback Machine.
↑ Amnesty International. "Israel's Apartheid against Palestinians: A Cruel System of Domination and a Crime against Humanity," 1 February 2022. Israel's Apartheid against Palestinians Archived 20 July 2023 at the Wayback Machine.
1 2 Louwerse, Colter (2024). Stern-Weiner, Jamie (ed.). Deluge. OR Books. ISBN 978-1-68219-619-9. During the June 1967 Arab-Israel War, Israel came into military occupation of the Palestinian West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and Gaza Strip. (Israel also occupied the Egyptian Sinai, Syrian Golan Heights, and two islands in the Gulf of Aqaba.) Already by the mid-1970s, the international community converged on a framework for resolving the festering conflict. This framework comprised two elements rooted in fundamental principles of international law. The first called for Israel's full withdrawal from the occupied Palestinian and other Arab territories in exchange for Palestinian-Arab recognition of Israel. The second called for establishing an independent State of Palestine on the Palestinian territories from which Israel would withdraw, i.e., the West Bank and Gaza, as well as a "just resolution" of the Palestinian refugee question.10 Land for peace and Palestinian self-determination secured through a two-state settlement: these principles for a reasonable if imperfect resolution of the Israel-Palestine conflict were eventually endorsed by an overwhelming consensus at the International Court of Justice (ICJ), in the political organs of the United Nations (UN), and of respected human rights organizations.
↑ Erakat, Noura (2019). Justice for Some: Law and the Question of Palestine. Stanford University Press. ISBN 978-1-5036-0883-2. The 1973 War demonstrated that Arabs could work together when needed and that Israel was not as invincible as it had believed. The war left its scars on Israel, which suffered over 2,500 dead, US$4 billion in direct monetary losses, and deflated confidence. Although the Arabs technically lost the war, they won psychologically and diplomatically as the world once again focused on the ongoing conflict.156 In 1973, the UN Security Council passed Resolution 338, affirming the land-for-peace framework enshrined in Resolution 242 and setting into motion what was to become known as the Middle East peace process. Palestinian control of the PLO and the rise of guerilla warfare, together with the shift ushered in by the 1973 War, would lay the groundwork for the PLO's political agenda and aggressive legal strategy throughout the decade that followed.
↑ Slater 2020 p.216: "The disastrous defeat of the Arab states in the 1973 war also played a major role in convincing Arafat of the need for a compromise peace settlement. Arafat's decision to start peace negotiations with Israel led to the June 1974 PLO agreement to adopt a new strategy that called for a struggle for "every part of Palestine that is liberated" (emphasis added). Anziska writes that this constituted "an acceptance of a political solution on a limited piece of territory," the first step, however vague, that opened the door for a Palestinian acceptance of a two-state solution... In a recent major work, historian Seth Anziska writes that the 1973 war "launched a new phase in the PLO's struggle, oriented toward partition and the acknowledgment of Israel's presence. In the aftermath of the October War, the PLO sought a place within the comprehensive diplomatic negotiations, which required political compromise and the eventual embrace of a state on far less territory than historic Palestine" (Anziska, Preventing Palestine, Kindle 25). Similarly, Bird writes: "By mid-1974 the PLO was rapidly moving away from a strategy of armed struggle and morphing into a political movement seeking international legitimacy" based on a two-state solution (Bird, The Good Spy, Kindle location 2560–75). For similar assessments of the importance of the 1974 PLO program, see Hart, Arafat, 10–11; Weinberger, "The Palestinian National Security Debate"; Nofal, "Yasir Arafat: A Mixed Legacy"; Tessler, A History of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, Kindle 483–84; and Elgindy, Blind Spot, Kindle 88."
↑ Morris 1999, The Politics of War and Afterffects: "On the other hand, the war had given Israel a stinging slap in the face. The 1948, 1956, and 1967 wars had conditioned them to stunning victories over the Arabs and to Arab military (and political) incompetence; 1973 proved to be something else altogether. Many Israelis were now persuaded that the territories could not be held indefinitely by force and that continued occupation would necessarily lead to further bouts of painful warfare. At last, and for the first time since June 1967, most people were willing to contemplate giving up large chunks of land for peace."
↑ Pappé 2022, pp. 287: "The 1973 war was a traumatic event that promoted the disintegration of Israeli politics and culture. The myth of Israeli invincibility was shattered, and while some saw this as a good reason to become more insistent in the search for peace, others turned to God, toughening their positions on peace and territorial compromise. What added to the confusion and the erosion of self-confidence was the high number of deaths, about 3,000, compared with the few hundred in the 1967 war. A general sense of grief fell on the country and affected the government's prestige."
↑ Khalidi 2013, The First Moment: Begin and Palestinian Autonomy in 1982: "In addition to their central provision, for a peace treaty between the two countries, the Camp David Accords, agreed upon by Israel and Egypt under the aegis of the United States in 1978, called for negotiations for the establishment of a "Self-Governing Authority" (SGA) for the Arab population of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. Jerusalem was to be excluded from its provisions. The accords stipulated "full autonomy for the inhabitants," but crucially, this did not apply to the land, which was to remain under full Israeli control. A bilateral peace treaty based on these accords was signed between Israel and Egypt in 1979, and Israel thereafter began a withdrawal of its forces from the occupied Egyptian Sinai Peninsula, which was completed in the spring of 1982. However, the modalities of the Palestinian-autonomy accords were a continuing source of dispute between the three signatories to the Camp David Accords, as well as with the Palestinians and other Arabs, and in the end they were never implemented."
↑ Shlaim 2015, The Camp David Accords: "The Camp David Accords were signed in an impressive ceremony in the White House on 17 September 1978. The two accords were entitled "A Framework for Peace in the Middle East" and "A Framework for the Conclusion of a Peace Treaty between Israel and Egypt." The former stated in its preamble, "The agreed basis for a peaceful settlement of the conflict between Israel and its neighbours is UN Security Council Resolution 242 in all its parts." The framework dealt with the West Bank and Gaza and envisaged nothing less than "the resolution of the Palestinian problem in all its aspects." Egypt, Israel, Jordan, and the representatives of the Palestinian people were to participate in the negotiations, which were to proceed in three stages. In the first, the ground rules would be laid for electing a "self-governing authority" for the territories, and the powers of this authority would be defined. In the second stage, once the self-governing authority had been established, a transitional period would begin. Israel's military government and its civilian administration would be withdrawn; Israel's armed forces would also be withdrawn and the remaining forces redeployed into specified security locations. In the third stage, not later than the third year after the beginning of the transitional period, negotiations would take place to determine the final status of the West Bank and Gaza. These negotiations had to recognize "the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people and their just requirements."
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↑ Namely Haganah, Irgun, and Lehi.
↑ Hazkani, Shay (2019). Dear Palestine A Social History of the 1948 War. Stanford University Press. ISBN 978-1-5036-2766-6. It is noteworthy that the aforementioned silk gloves were not invoked when discussing the Palestinian "exodus," i.e., the expulsion and flight of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians, which became a pressing concern in the months following the adoption of Plan D (tokhnit dalet) by the Haganah's general staff in March 1948.Warf, C.; Charles, G. (2020). Clinical Care for Homeless, Runaway and Refugee Youth: Intervention Approaches, Education and Research Directions. Springer International Publishing. ISBN 978-3-030-40675-2. By 1948, the majority of Palestinians, about 700,000 to 800,000 people from 500 to 600 villages, were displaced. They were either expelled or fled from their homes for fear of being killed, as had actually taken place in a number of villages.Gerber, H. (2008). Remembering and Imagining Palestine: Identity and Nationalism from the Crusades to the Present. Palgrave Macmillan UK. ISBN 978-0-230-58391-7. One of the more important consequences of the 1948 war was the expulsion and/or flight of some 750,000 Palestinians from their homes inside Israel, and the refusal of Israel to allow them to return, despite an express UN decision calling on it to do so. ... About 750,000 of the 900,000 strong Palestinian population were expelled, or fled, all completely terrorized and fearing for their livesPetersen-Overton, Kristofer J.; Schmidt, Johannes D.; Hersh, Jacques (27 September 2010). "3. Retooling Peace Philosophy: A Critical Look at Israel's Separation Strategy". In Carter, Candice C.; Kumar, Ravindra (eds.). Peace Philosophy in Action. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 49. doi:10.1057/9780230112995. ISBN 978-0-230-11299-5. Archived from the original on 30 October 2023. Retrieved 5 December 2024. as scores of historical documentation has since revealed, the Yishuv encouraged the flight or directly forced 750,000 Palestinians (more than 80 percent of the population at the time) from their homeland in 1948 and destroyed 531 Palestinian villagesNatour, Ghaleb (2015). "The Nakba—Flight and Expulsion of the Palestinians in 1948". In Hoppe, Andreas (ed.). Catastrophes Views from Natural and Human Sciences. Springer. p. 81. The Nakba is a catastrophe describing "the expulsion and flight of the Palestinians which reached its peak in 1948"Slater 2020"Why Nakba is the Palestinians' most sombre day, in 100 and 300 words". BBC News. 15 May 2018. up to 750,000 Palestinians who had lived on that land fled or were expelled from their homes.Ibish, Hussein (14 May 2018). "A 'Catastrophe' That Defines Palestinian Identity". The Atlantic. the overwhelming majority of Palestinian Arabs, perhaps 700,000 to 800,000 people, had either fled or been expelledMcDowall, David; Palley, Claire (1987). The Palestinians. Minority Rights Group Report no 24. p. 10. ISBN 978-0-946690-42-8.

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[SelaConflict-22] 1 2 3 4 5 Sela 2002, pp. 58–121, "Arab-Israel Conflict"

[HistoryPBS-23] 1 2 3 "History of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict" (PDF). PBS. December 2001. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2 December 2012. Retrieved 14 March 2013.

[24] Khalidi 2024, p. 108: "The repression of the revolt had an impact not only on the populace, but also on the Palestinians' ability to fight thereafter, and on the already fractured capabilities of their national leadership. A high proportion of the Arab casualties included the most experienced military cadres and enterprising fighters.6 By the end of the revolt, most of the top Arab political leaders and thousands of other cadres, militants, and fighters were imprisoned, interned by the British in the Seychelles, in exile, or dead. The British also confiscated large quantities of arms and ammunition from the Arabs during the revolt, and continued to do so during later years. By the end of the revolt, existing political divisions within the Palestinian polity had become envenomed, leading to profound rifts between the majority supporting the revolt and a minority that had become alienated from the leadership: the consequence was assassinations, infighting, and further weakening of the Palestinian position. The impact of the revolt on the Palestinian economy was also severe, although some of that damage was self-inflicted, as a boycott of British and Jewish goods and of the mandatory government during the strike and the revolt simply opened up opportunities for the already larger Jewish-controlled sector of the economy of Palestine to expand further."

[Rashid_Khalidi4-25] Khalidi 2020, p. 44

[suppression-26] Khalidi 2020, Chapter 1: "Of all the services Britain provided to the Zionist movement before 1939, perhaps the most valuable was the armed suppression of Palestinian resistance in the form of the revolt. The bloody war waged against the country's majority, which left 10 percent of the adult male Arab population killed, wounded, imprisoned, or exiled,55 was the best illustration of the unvarnished truths uttered by Jabotinsky about the necessity of the use of force for the Zionist project to succeed. To quash the uprising, the British Empire brought in two additional divisions of troops, squadrons of bombers, and all the paraphernalia of repression that it had perfected over many decades of colonial wars."

[divided-27] Khalidi 2020, Chapter 1: "IN SPITE OF the sacrifices made—which can be gauged from the very large numbers of Palestinians who were killed, wounded, jailed, or exiled—and the revolt's momentary success, the consequences for the Palestinians were almost entirely negative. The savage British repression, the death and exile of so many leaders, and the conflict within their ranks left the Palestinians divided, without direction, and with their economy debilitated by the time the revolt was crushed in the summer of 1939. This put the Palestinians in a very weak position to confront the now invigorated Zionist movement, which had gone from strength to strength during the revolt, obtaining lavish amounts of arms and extensive training from the British to help them suppress the uprising."

[peel-28] Louis, William Roger (2006). Ends of British Imperialism: The Scramble for Empire, Suez, and Decolonization. I. B. Tauris. p. 391. ISBN 978-1-84511-347-6.

[peelbenny-29] Morris, Benny (2009). One State, Two States: Resolving the Israel/Palestine Conflict. Yale University Press. p. 66. ISBN 978-0-300-15604-1. Archived from the original on 9 October 2023. Retrieved 27 September 2020.

[Morris2004-30] Morris, Benny (2004). The birth of the Palestinian refugee problem revisited. Cambridge Middle East studies (2. ed., 6. print ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press. ISBN 978-0-521-00967-6. p.48

[31] Shlaim 2015, Prologue: The Zionist Foundation: "A white paper of 17 May 1939 abruptly reversed British support for Zionism and for a Jewish state."

[partition-32] "A/RES/181(II) of 29 November 1947". United Nations. Archived from the original on 24 May 2012. Retrieved 28 May 2013.

[Baum-33] 1 2 3 Baum, Noa. "Historical Time Line for Israel/Palestine." Archived 19 December 2013 at the Wayback Machine UMass Amherst. 5 April 2005. 14 March 2013.

[support-34] Morris 2008, pp. 63–64, "The Zionists and their supporters rejoiced; the Arab delegations walked out of the plenum after declaring the resolution invalid. The Arabs failed to understand why the international community was awarding the Jews any part of Palestine. Further, as one Palestinian historian later put it, they could not fathom why 37 percent of the population had been given 55 percent of the land (of which they owned only 7 percent). Moreover, the Jews had been given the best agricultural lands (the Coastal Plain and Jezreel and Jordan Valleys) while the Arabs had received the 'bare and hilly' parts, as one Palestinian politician, 'Awni 'Abd al-Hadi, told a Zionist agent. 162 More generally, 'the Palestinians failed to see why they should be made to pay for the Holocaust. ... [And] they failed to see why it was not fair for the Jews to be a minority in a unitary Palestinian state, while it was fair for almost half of the Palestinian population—the indigenous majority on its own ancestral soil—to be converted overnight into a minority under alien rule.'"

[expanding-35] Morris 2008, p. 101, "... mainstream Zionist leaders, from the first, began to think of expanding the Jewish state beyond the 29 November partition resolution borders."

[fourmonths-36] Morris 2008, p. 77–79

[defensive-37] Morris (2004), p.13: "The Haganah stayed on the defensive, wishing not to annoy the British while it re-organised and armed for war; it knew that the real challenge would be posed not by the Palestinians but by the armies of the surrounding states. Until the end of January 1948, neither side had the upper hand. But in February and March, Arab ambushers inflicted major defeats on Haganah convoys along the roads, especially between Tel Aviv and (Jewish West) Jerusalem. It appeared to the Yishuv’s leaders that, besieged, Jewish Jerusalem – with a population of 100,000 – might fall; there were similar fears regarding several clusters of Jewish rural settlements around Jerusalem and in western Galilee. The defeats and significant casualties suffered caused the Yishuv to rethink its strategy. At the beginning of April, the Haganah switched to the offensive, at last unleashing a series of major counter-attacks."

[dalet-38] Morris (2004), p.163: "The British evacuation, which would remove the last vestige of law and order in the cities and on the roads, was only weeks away, and the neighbouring Arab states were mobilising to intervene. The Yishuv was struggling for its life; an invasion by the Arab states could deliver the coup de grâce. It was with this situation and prospect in mind that the Haganah chiefs, in early March, produced ‘Tochnit Dalet’ (Plan D), a blueprint for securing the emergent Jewish state and the blocs of settlements outside the state’s territory against the expected invasion on or after 15 May."

[pland-39] Khalidi, Walid (1988-10-01). "Plan Dalet: Master Plan for the Conquest of Palestine". Journal of Palestine Studies. 18 (1): 4–19. doi:10.2307/2537591. ISSN 0377-919X. JSTOR 2537591. 'Plan Dalet' or 'Plan D' was the name given by the Zionist High Command to the general plan for military operations within the framework of which the Zionists launched successive offensives in April and early May 1948 in various parts of Palestine. These offensives, which entailed the destruction of the Palestinian Arab community and the expulsion and pauperization of the bulk of the Palestine Arabs, were calculated to achieve the military fait accompli upon which the state of Israel was to be based.

[40] Slater, Jerome (2020). Mythologies Without End: The US, Israel, and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1917-2020. Oxford University Press, Incorporated. ISBN 978-0-19-045908-6. "There is no serious dispute among Israeli, Palestinian, or other historians about the central facts of the Nakba. All of the leading Israeli New Historians—particularly Morris, Shlaim, Pappé, and Flapan—extensively examined the issue and revealed the facts. Other accounts have reached the same conclusions. For example, see Ben-Ami, "A War to Start All Wars"; Rashid Khalidi, "The Palestinians and 1948"; Walid Khalidi, "Why Did the Palestinians Leave, Revisited"; Masalha, Expulsion of the Palestinians; Raz, Bride and the Dowry. Reviewing the evidence marshaled by Morris and others, Tom Segev concluded that "most of the Arabs in the country, approximately 400,000, were chased out and expelled during the first stage of the war. In other words, before the Arab armies invaded the country" (Haaretz, 18 July 2010). Other estimates have varied concerning the number of Palestinians who fled or were expelled before the May 1948 Arab state attack; Morris estimated the number to be 250,000–300,000 (The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem Revisited, 262); Tessler puts it at 300,000 (A History of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, 279); Pappé's estimate is 380,000 (The Making of the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 96). In another recent review of the evidence, the Israeli historian Daniel Blatman estimates the number to be about 500,000 (Blatman, "Netanyahu, This Is What Ethnic Cleansing Really Looks Like"). Whatever the exact number, even Israeli "Old Historians" now admit that during the 1948 war, the Israeli armed forces drove out many of the Palestinians, though they emphasized the action as a military "necessity." For example, see Anita Shapira, Israel: A History, 167–68. In July 2019, the Israeli government sought to cover up the extensive documentary evidence in its state archives that revealed detailed evidence about the extent of the Nakba—even the evidence that had already been published by newspapers and Israeli historians. A Haaretz investigation of the attempted cover-up concluded: "Since early last decade, Defense Ministry teams have scoured local archives and removed troves of historic documents to conceal proof of the Nakba, including Israeli eyewitness reports at the time" (Shezaf, "Burying the Nakba: How Israel Systematically Hides Evidence of 1948 Expulsion of Arabs").”

[41] Abu-Laban, Yasmeen; Bakan, Abigail B. (July 2022). "Anti-Palestinian Racism and Racial Gaslighting". The Political Quarterly, Vol. 93, Issue 3, p. 511: "Palestinians have long known what happened to them in 1948 and its very human costs. However, the work of the 'new' (or revisionist) Israeli historians from the late 1970s also challenged the official state narrative of a miraculous wartime victory through access to material in the Israeli archives. This has established what Ilan Pappé has summarised as the 'ethnic cleansing of Palestine', a process involving massacres and expulsions at gunpoint. In light of the ever-growing historiography, serious scholarship has left little debate about what happened in 1948. [...] However, Nakba denial remains a political issue of the highest order.

[42] Laila Parsons, McGill University, 2009, Review of Ilan Pappé's 'The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine', "Ilan Pappe has added another work to the many that have already been written in English on the 1948 Arab-Israeli War and the expulsion of more than 750,000 Palestinians from their homes. These include works by Walid Khalidi, Simha Flapan, Nafez Nazzal, Benny Morris, Nur Masalha, and Norman Finkelstein, among others. All but one of these authors (Morris) would probably agree with Pappe’s position that what happened to the Palestinians in 1948 fits the definition of ethnic cleansing, and it certainly is not news to Palestinians themselves, who have always known what happened to them."

[Ian_Black-2010-43] Black, Ian; Haroon Siddique (31 May 2010). "Q&A: The Gaza Freedom flotilla". The Guardian. London. Archived from the original on 3 June 2010. Retrieved 2 June 2010.

[Pappe2006-44] 1 2 Pappe, Ilan (2006). The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine. Oneworld Publications. ISBN 978-1-78074-056-0.

[Shavit-45] Shavit, Ari. "Survival of the Fittest? An Interview with Benny Morris" Archived 5 September 2021 at the Wayback Machine. Logos. Winter 2004

[46] Matas, David (2005). Aftershock: anti-zionism and anti-semitism. Dundurn Press Ltd. pp. 555–558. ISBN 978-1-55002-553-8. Archived from the original on 3 July 2024. Retrieved 19 March 2016.

[47] Benvenis'tî, Mêrôn (2002). Sacred landscape: the buried history of the Holy Land since 1948. University of California Press. pp. 124–127. ISBN 978-0-520-23422-2. Archived from the original on 3 July 2024. Retrieved 19 March 2016.

[48] Benny Morris (21 February 2008). "Benny Morris on fact, fiction, & propaganda about 1948". The Irish Times, reported by Jeff Weintraub Archived 7 December 2008 at the Wayback Machine

[Morris-2004-49] Morris, Benny (2004). The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem Revisited. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-81120-0.

[50] Pappe, I. (1999). Were they expelled?: The history, historiography and relevance of the Palestinian refugee problem. In G. Karmi & E. Cotran (Eds.), The Palestinian exodus, 1948–1988(pp. 37–61). London: Ithaca Press – "Where expulsion failed, transfer was encouraged, by every possible means (even by setting fire to the fields of Palestinian villages considered wealthy or by cutting water supply to city neighborhoods). Weitz convinced the Israeli government in May 1948 to confiscate any looted Arab harvest for the needs of the newly born state. This policy of burning fields or confiscating them continued throughout the summer of 1948."

[51] Morris 2004 "While before May, burning Arab crops was mainly a Haganah means of retaliation for Arab attacks, during May–June the destruction of the fields hardened into a set policy designed to demoralise the villagers, hurt them economically and, perhaps, precipitate their exodus."

[52] Benny Morris, Benjamin Z. Kedar, 'Cast thy bread': Israeli biological warfare during the 1948 War Morris, Benny; Kedar, Benjamin Z. (2023). "' Cast thy bread ': Israeli biological warfare during the 1948 War". Middle Eastern Studies. 59 (5): 752–776. doi:10.1080/00263206.2022.2122448. Archived from the original on 5 March 2023. Retrieved 5 December 2024.{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link) Middle Eastern Studies 19 September 2022, pages =1-25 p.8:'The SHAI, in its report from the end of June 1948 on the causes of the Arab flight from Palestine, mentioned 'the typhus epidemic' as 'an exacerbating factor in the evacuation' in certain areas. 'More than the disease itself, it was the panic induced by the rumours of the spread of the disease in the area that was a factor in the evacuation', stated the report. In its site-by-site breakdown of the Arab flight, the report mentioned 'harassment [by the Haganah] and the typhus epidemic' as the causes of the partial exodus of the population from Acre on 6 May.'

[53] J.P.D. Dunbabin, The Post-Imperial Age: The Great Powers and the Wider World, Archived 8 October 2022 at the Wayback Machine Routledge 2014 ISBN 978-1-317-89293-9 pp.256-258.

[refugees-54] 
Morris, Benny (2004). The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem Revisited. Cambridge University Press. pp. 602–604. ISBN 978-0-521-00967-6. It is impossible to arrive at a definite persuasive estimate. My predilection would be to opt for the loose contemporary British formula, that of 'between 600,000 and 760,000' refugees; but, if pressed, 700,000 is probably a fair estimate

Memo US Department of State, 4 May 1949. Foreign Relations of the United States. 1949. p. 973. Archived from the original on 12 July 2019. One of the most important problems which must be cleared up before a lasting peace can be established in Palestine is the question of the more than 700,000 Arab refugees who during the Palestine conflict fled from their homes in what is now Israeli occupied territory and are at present living as refugees in Arab Palestine and the neighbouring Arab states.

Memorandum on the Palestine Refugee Problem, 4 May 1949. Foreign Relations of the United States. 1949. p. 984. Archived from the original on 12 July 2019. Approximately 700,000 refugees from the Palestine hostilities, now located principally in Arab Palestine, Transjordan, Lebanon and Syria, will require repatriation to Israel or resettlement in the Arab states.

[mwBV4] Morris, Benny (2004). The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem Revisited. Cambridge University Press. pp. 602–604. ISBN 978-0-521-00967-6. It is impossible to arrive at a definite persuasive estimate. My predilection would be to opt for the loose contemporary British formula, that of 'between 600,000 and 760,000' refugees; but, if pressed, 700,000 is probably a fair estimate

[mwBWs] Memo US Department of State, 4 May 1949. Foreign Relations of the United States. 1949. p. 973. Archived from the original on 12 July 2019. One of the most important problems which must be cleared up before a lasting peace can be established in Palestine is the question of the more than 700,000 Arab refugees who during the Palestine conflict fled from their homes in what is now Israeli occupied territory and are at present living as refugees in Arab Palestine and the neighbouring Arab states.

[mwBXU] Memorandum on the Palestine Refugee Problem, 4 May 1949. Foreign Relations of the United States. 1949. p. 984. Archived from the original on 12 July 2019. Approximately 700,000 refugees from the Palestine hostilities, now located principally in Arab Palestine, Transjordan, Lebanon and Syria, will require repatriation to Israel or resettlement in the Arab states.

[Ilan_Pappe3-55] Pappé, Ilan (2007). The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine. Oneworld Publications. ISBN 978-1-78074-056-0.

[Benny_Morris3-56] Morris 1999

[57] "Berita Perang Israel Terkini dan Terbaru Hari Ini - SINDOnews". SINDOnews.com (in Indonesian). Retrieved 2023-10-19.

[58] Congress, World Jewish. "World Jewish Congress". World Jewish Congress. Retrieved 18 April 2024.

[59] "Bahrain Virtual Jewish History Tour". www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org. Retrieved 18 April 2024.

[60] But despite this history, today, the Jewish population of Bangladesh is virtually non-existent. According to local sources, there are only 4 Jews living in Dhaka and they keep their identity private.What happened to the Jews of Bangladesh? - Foreign Policy ...foreignpolicyblogs.com/2018/04/30/what-happened-to-th]

[61] "BDE: One Of The Last Jews In Egypt Passes Away". The Yeshiva World. 17 November 2021. Retrieved 3 December 2021.

[62] Note in 2018 it is reported the last Jew in Eritrea was shot and killed by an unknown person see last_eritrean_jew_shot_in_street posted 2018 accessed 19 March 2022

[63] Ref: Jewish Population source Website: Archived 2020-05-28 at the Wayback Machine

[64] Rashty, Sandy. "Only three Jews are left in Iraq". www.thejc.com. Retrieved 18 April 2024.

[65] A. Khan, Iftikhar (8 Jan 2017). "Minorities' vote bank reaches close to 3m". Dawn newspaper. Retrieved 8 January 2017.

[66] Ref: Jewish Population source Website: https://worldpopulationreview.com/countries/jewish-population-by-country/ Archived 2020-05-28 at the Wayback Machine

[67] In MArch 2022 the UN reports there is just 1 Jew left in Yemen Jewish Chronicle March 14,2021

[70] Honaida Ghanim, Poetics of Disaster: Nationalism, Gender, and Social Change Among Palestinian Poets in Israel After Nakba, Archived 6 November 2021 at the Wayback Machine International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society March 2009 Vol. 22, No. 1 pp.23-39 p.37 Stern, Yoav (13 May 2008). "Palestinian refugees, Israeli left-wingers mark Nakba" Archived 17 May 2021 at the Wayback Machine. Haaretz. Nakba 60 Archived 12 June 2008 at the Wayback Machine, BADIL Resource Center for Palestinian Residency and Refugee Rights; Cleveland, William L. A History of the Modern Middle East, Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 2004, p. 270. ISBN 978-0-8133-4047-0Ghanim, Honaida (March 2009). "Poetics of Disaster: Nationalism, Gender, and Social Change Among Palestinian Poets in Israel After Nakba". International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society. 22 (1): 23–39 [25–26]. doi:10.1007/s10767-009-9049-9. ISSN 0891-4486. JSTOR 40608203. S2CID 144148068.

[wells-71] Morris, Benny; Kedar, Benjamin Z. (19 September 2022). "'Cast thy bread': Israeli biological warfare during the 1948 War". Middle Eastern Studies. 59 (5): 1–25 [2–3]. doi:10.1080/00263206.2022.2122448. S2CID 252389726.

[hebraization-72] Bardi, Ariel Sophia (March 2016). "The "Architectural Cleansing" of Palestine". American Anthropologist. 118 (1): 165–171. doi:10.1111/aman.12520.

[73] Pedahzur, Ami; Perliger, Arie (2010). "The Consequences of Counterterrorist Policies in Israel". In Crenshaw, Martha (ed.). The Consequences of Counterterrorism. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. p. 356. ISBN 978-0-87154-073-7.

[explusion-74] Masalha, Nur (1992). Expulsion of the Palestinians. Institute for Palestine Studies, this edition 2001, p. 175.

[uprooted-75] Khalidi, Rashid (September 1998). Palestinian identity: the construction of modern national consciousness. Columbia University Press. pp. 21–. ISBN 978-0-231-10515-6. Archived from the original on 14 January 2023. Retrieved 19 March 2016. In 1948 half of Palestine's ... Arabs were uprooted from their homes and became refugees

[76] Gelber 2006, p. 137: "Drawn into the war by the collapse of the Palestinians and the ALA, the Arab governments' primary goal was preventing the Palestinians' total ruin and the flooding of their own countries by more refugees."

[77] Matthew Hogan (2001). The 1948 Massacre at Deir Yassin Revisited: "Meanwhile, the subsequent May 1948 outbreak of regional war between the newly declared state of Israel and the Arab states, beginning the prolonged Arab-Israeli conflict, was contemporaneously explained by Arab League chief Azzam Pasha in terms of the Deir Yassin incident: "The massacre of Deir Yassin was to a great extent the cause of the wrath of the Arab nations and the most important factor for sending [in] the Arab armies."

[remainrefugees-78] Kodmani-Darwish, p. 126; Féron, Féron, p. 94.

[UNRWA-79] Algemeiner, The. "UNRWA Head Faces Questions at EU Parliament Over 'Hate Speech, Violence' in Palestinian Textbooks". Algemeiner.com. Archived from the original on 28 August 2022. Retrieved 8 May 2022.

[apartheid-80] Human Rights Watch. "A Threshold Crossed," 27 April 2021. A Threshold Crossed Archived 28 April 2021 at the Wayback Machine.

[amnesty-81] Amnesty International. "Israel's Apartheid against Palestinians: A Cruel System of Domination and a Crime against Humanity," 1 February 2022. Israel's Apartheid against Palestinians Archived 20 July 2023 at the Wayback Machine.

[deluge-82] 1 2 Louwerse, Colter (2024). Stern-Weiner, Jamie (ed.). Deluge. OR Books. ISBN 978-1-68219-619-9. During the June 1967 Arab-Israel War, Israel came into military occupation of the Palestinian West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and Gaza Strip. (Israel also occupied the Egyptian Sinai, Syrian Golan Heights, and two islands in the Gulf of Aqaba.) Already by the mid-1970s, the international community converged on a framework for resolving the festering conflict. This framework comprised two elements rooted in fundamental principles of international law. The first called for Israel's full withdrawal from the occupied Palestinian and other Arab territories in exchange for Palestinian-Arab recognition of Israel. The second called for establishing an independent State of Palestine on the Palestinian territories from which Israel would withdraw, i.e., the West Bank and Gaza, as well as a "just resolution" of the Palestinian refugee question.10 Land for peace and Palestinian self-determination secured through a two-state settlement: these principles for a reasonable if imperfect resolution of the Israel-Palestine conflict were eventually endorsed by an overwhelming consensus at the International Court of Justice (ICJ), in the political organs of the United Nations (UN), and of respected human rights organizations.

[justice-83] Erakat, Noura (2019). Justice for Some: Law and the Question of Palestine. Stanford University Press. ISBN 978-1-5036-0883-2. The 1973 War demonstrated that Arabs could work together when needed and that Israel was not as invincible as it had believed. The war left its scars on Israel, which suffered over 2,500 dead, US$4 billion in direct monetary losses, and deflated confidence. Although the Arabs technically lost the war, they won psychologically and diplomatically as the world once again focused on the ongoing conflict.156 In 1973, the UN Security Council passed Resolution 338, affirming the land-for-peace framework enshrined in Resolution 242 and setting into motion what was to become known as the Middle East peace process. Palestinian control of the PLO and the rise of guerilla warfare, together with the shift ushered in by the 1973 War, would lay the groundwork for the PLO's political agenda and aggressive legal strategy throughout the decade that followed.

[84] Slater 2020 p.216: "The disastrous defeat of the Arab states in the 1973 war also played a major role in convincing Arafat of the need for a compromise peace settlement. Arafat's decision to start peace negotiations with Israel led to the June 1974 PLO agreement to adopt a new strategy that called for a struggle for "every part of Palestine that is liberated" (emphasis added). Anziska writes that this constituted "an acceptance of a political solution on a limited piece of territory," the first step, however vague, that opened the door for a Palestinian acceptance of a two-state solution... In a recent major work, historian Seth Anziska writes that the 1973 war "launched a new phase in the PLO's struggle, oriented toward partition and the acknowledgment of Israel's presence. In the aftermath of the October War, the PLO sought a place within the comprehensive diplomatic negotiations, which required political compromise and the eventual embrace of a state on far less territory than historic Palestine" (Anziska, Preventing Palestine, Kindle 25). Similarly, Bird writes: "By mid-1974 the PLO was rapidly moving away from a strategy of armed struggle and morphing into a political movement seeking international legitimacy" based on a two-state solution (Bird, The Good Spy, Kindle location 2560–75). For similar assessments of the importance of the 1974 PLO program, see Hart, Arafat, 10–11; Weinberger, "The Palestinian National Security Debate"; Nofal, "Yasir Arafat: A Mixed Legacy"; Tessler, A History of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, Kindle 483–84; and Elgindy, Blind Spot, Kindle 88."

[slap-85] Morris 1999, The Politics of War and Afterffects: "On the other hand, the war had given Israel a stinging slap in the face. The 1948, 1956, and 1967 wars had conditioned them to stunning victories over the Arabs and to Arab military (and political) incompetence; 1973 proved to be something else altogether. Many Israelis were now persuaded that the territories could not be held indefinitely by force and that continued occupation would necessarily lead to further bouts of painful warfare. At last, and for the first time since June 1967, most people were willing to contemplate giving up large chunks of land for peace."

[traumatic-86] Pappé 2022, pp. 287: "The 1973 war was a traumatic event that promoted the disintegration of Israeli politics and culture. The myth of Israeli invincibility was shattered, and while some saw this as a good reason to become more insistent in the search for peace, others turned to God, toughening their positions on peace and territorial compromise. What added to the confusion and the erosion of self-confidence was the high number of deaths, about 3,000, compared with the few hundred in the 1967 war. A general sense of grief fell on the country and affected the government's prestige."

[camp-87] Khalidi 2013, The First Moment: Begin and Palestinian Autonomy in 1982: "In addition to their central provision, for a peace treaty between the two countries, the Camp David Accords, agreed upon by Israel and Egypt under the aegis of the United States in 1978, called for negotiations for the establishment of a "Self-Governing Authority" (SGA) for the Arab population of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. Jerusalem was to be excluded from its provisions. The accords stipulated "full autonomy for the inhabitants," but crucially, this did not apply to the land, which was to remain under full Israeli control. A bilateral peace treaty based on these accords was signed between Israel and Egypt in 1979, and Israel thereafter began a withdrawal of its forces from the occupied Egyptian Sinai Peninsula, which was completed in the spring of 1982. However, the modalities of the Palestinian-autonomy accords were a continuing source of dispute between the three signatories to the Camp David Accords, as well as with the Palestinians and other Arabs, and in the end they were never implemented."

[camp2-88] Shlaim 2015, The Camp David Accords: "The Camp David Accords were signed in an impressive ceremony in the White House on 17 September 1978. The two accords were entitled "A Framework for Peace in the Middle East" and "A Framework for the Conclusion of a Peace Treaty between Israel and Egypt." The former stated in its preamble, "The agreed basis for a peaceful settlement of the conflict between Israel and its neighbours is UN Security Council Resolution 242 in all its parts." The framework dealt with the West Bank and Gaza and envisaged nothing less than "the resolution of the Palestinian problem in all its aspects." Egypt, Israel, Jordan, and the representatives of the Palestinian people were to participate in the negotiations, which were to proceed in three stages. In the first, the ground rules would be laid for electing a "self-governing authority" for the territories, and the powers of this authority would be defined. In the second stage, once the self-governing authority had been established, a transitional period would begin. Israel's military government and its civilian administration would be withdrawn; Israel's armed forces would also be withdrawn and the remaining forces redeployed into specified security locations. In the third stage, not later than the third year after the beginning of the transitional period, negotiations would take place to determine the final status of the West Bank and Gaza. These negotiations had to recognize "the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people and their just requirements."

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[68] Namely Haganah, Irgun, and Lehi.

[69] Hazkani, Shay (2019). Dear Palestine A Social History of the 1948 War. Stanford University Press. ISBN 978-1-5036-2766-6. It is noteworthy that the aforementioned silk gloves were not invoked when discussing the Palestinian "exodus," i.e., the expulsion and flight of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians, which became a pressing concern in the months following the adoption of Plan D (tokhnit dalet) by the Haganah's general staff in March 1948.Warf, C.; Charles, G. (2020). Clinical Care for Homeless, Runaway and Refugee Youth: Intervention Approaches, Education and Research Directions. Springer International Publishing. ISBN 978-3-030-40675-2. By 1948, the majority of Palestinians, about 700,000 to 800,000 people from 500 to 600 villages, were displaced. They were either expelled or fled from their homes for fear of being killed, as had actually taken place in a number of villages.Gerber, H. (2008). Remembering and Imagining Palestine: Identity and Nationalism from the Crusades to the Present. Palgrave Macmillan UK. ISBN 978-0-230-58391-7. One of the more important consequences of the 1948 war was the expulsion and/or flight of some 750,000 Palestinians from their homes inside Israel, and the refusal of Israel to allow them to return, despite an express UN decision calling on it to do so. ... About 750,000 of the 900,000 strong Palestinian population were expelled, or fled, all completely terrorized and fearing for their livesPetersen-Overton, Kristofer J.; Schmidt, Johannes D.; Hersh, Jacques (27 September 2010). "3. Retooling Peace Philosophy: A Critical Look at Israel's Separation Strategy". In Carter, Candice C.; Kumar, Ravindra (eds.). Peace Philosophy in Action. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 49. doi:10.1057/9780230112995. ISBN 978-0-230-11299-5. Archived from the original on 30 October 2023. Retrieved 5 December 2024. as scores of historical documentation has since revealed, the Yishuv encouraged the flight or directly forced 750,000 Palestinians (more than 80 percent of the population at the time) from their homeland in 1948 and destroyed 531 Palestinian villagesNatour, Ghaleb (2015). "The Nakba—Flight and Expulsion of the Palestinians in 1948". In Hoppe, Andreas (ed.). Catastrophes Views from Natural and Human Sciences. Springer. p. 81. The Nakba is a catastrophe describing "the expulsion and flight of the Palestinians which reached its peak in 1948"Slater 2020"Why Nakba is the Palestinians' most sombre day, in 100 and 300 words". BBC News. 15 May 2018. up to 750,000 Palestinians who had lived on that land fled or were expelled from their homes.Ibish, Hussein (14 May 2018). "A 'Catastrophe' That Defines Palestinian Identity". The Atlantic. the overwhelming majority of Palestinian Arabs, perhaps 700,000 to 800,000 people, had either fled or been expelledMcDowall, David; Palley, Claire (1987). The Palestinians. Minority Rights Group Report no 24. p. 10. ISBN 978-0-946690-42-8.

v t e Gaza–Israel conflict
Background	1948 Palestinian expulsion and flight Palestinian refugees
Pre-2006	1956 Khan Yunis massacre Rafah massacre First Intifada Second Intifada and aftermath in 2000–2005 Killing of Muhammad al-Durrah 2004 Israeli operation in Rafah 2004 Beit Hanoun raid 2004 Israeli operation Israeli disengagement
2006	Jan Palestinian legislative election Jun Gaza beach explosion Gaza cross-border raid Jun–Nov 2006 Gaza–Israel conflict Oct–Nov 2006 Israeli operation in Beit Hanoun Nov Beit Hanoun shelling
2007	Jun Battle of Gaza
2008	Jan–Feb Egypt–Gaza border breach Feb–Mar Operation Hot Winter Apr Beit Hanoun incident Jun–Dec Israel–Hamas ceasefire Dec Gaza War (2008–2009)
2009	Jan Gaza War (2008–2009) Timeline Incidents Casualties Effects Feb–Mar Israeli attacks Apr UN Fact Finding Mission on the Gaza Conflict
2010	Mar Israel–Gaza clashes May Gaza Freedom Flotilla Gaza flotilla raid
2011	Jul Freedom Flotilla II Aug 2011 southern Israel cross-border attacks
2012	Mar March 2012 Gaza–Israel clashes Nov 2012 Israeli operation in the Gaza Strip Timeline Reactions
2014	Jul 2014 Gaza War Aug UN Fact Finding Mission on the 2014 conflict
2015	May–Jun Freedom Flotilla III
2018	Mar Gaza border protests Palestinian airborne arson attacks Nov Gaza–Israel clashes
2019	May Gaza–Israel clashes November Gaza–Israel clashes
2020	Feb Killing of Muhammad al-Na'im
2021	May Israel–Palestine crisis
2022	Aug 2022 Gaza–Israel clashes
2023	Apr Al-Aqsa clashes May Clashes October Israel–Hamas war
2024	Proposed Israeli resettlement of the Gaza Strip
Lists	Palestinian rocket attacks on Israel Lists 2001 2002–2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 2021 2022 2023 2024 List of Israeli strikes and Palestinian casualties in the 2014 Gaza War
Israeli–Palestinian conflict Gaza–Israel barrier Governance of the Gaza Strip Fatah–Hamas conflict Iran–Israel proxy conflict Gaza Strip blockade (since 2007)