This is the alphabetical categorised list of statewide, regional and local political families involved in the politics and various elections of Haryana state of India at state (Haryana Legislative Assembly) and national level (Lok Sabha).
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The political dynasties of Haryana are not driven by the ideology, but by the goal of holding the power and keeping the rivals out. Dynastic politicians have unfair advantage from the start of their political career. The dynastic political clans of Haryana are often criticised for the infamous self-serving politics of the Aaya Ram Gaya Ram turncoats who notoriously engage in the frequent party switching, political horse trading, unholy political alliances, political corruption, political cronyism, nepotistic-dynastic rule which serves their own clan more than it serves their voters and people of Haryana they ought to serve.
Though dynasties exist across the left–right political spectrum of political continuum, the self-professed centrist Congress and regional parties use to be more dynastic than the right-wing BJP or the left-wing communists, but that distinction is fast fading as BJP also has large number of homegrown dynasts as well has inducted large number of opportunistic party-hopper dynasts from other parties.
In 2019 Lok Sabha elections, there were at least 8 dynasts grandchildren, great-grandsons and sons of ex-CMs of Haryana, all of them were the usual suspects, i.e. Lal trio clans, Hooda-Birender clan and Rao-Yadav clan. Of total 10 seats from Haryana, the highest number of dynasts candidates were from Congress 9 (2 from Hooda clan, Shruti Chaudhary from Bansi Lal clan, Bhavya Bishnoi from Bhajan Lal clan, Kumari Selja, Kuldeep Sharma, Tanwar), followed by 2 from Devi Lal clan (Digvijay and Arjun Chautala), and 2 from BJP (Bijender Singh and Rao Inderjit). The BJP won all the 10 seats in the election.
A data based scientific empirical research, which studied the impact of dynastic politics on the level of poverty of the provinces, found a positive correlation between dynastic politics and poverty i.e. the higher proportion of dynastic politicians in power in a province leads to higher poverty rate. There is significant evidence that these political dynasties use their political dominance over their respective regions to enrich themselves, using methods such as graft or outright bribery of legislators. Even relatively richer provinces could not become truly richer due to the dynastic politics.
Since the political dynasties hold significant economic power and their interests are overrepresented due to dynastic politics, it leads to the conflicts of interests and corruption. As of December 2009[update], 120 (22%) of India's 542 parliament members were accused of various crimes under India's First Information Report procedure. Many of the biggest scandals since 2010[update] have involved high level government officials, including Cabinet Ministers and Chief Ministers, such as the 2010 Commonwealth Games scam (₹70,000 crore (US$7.3 billion)), the Adarsh Housing Society scam, the Coal Mining Scam (₹1.86 lakh crore (US$19 billion)), the Mining Scandal and the Cash for Vote scams. The industries most vulnerable to corruption as: government-run social development projects, infrastructure development & real estate projects, mining, aerospace & defence, and Power & Utilities (2013 EY and 2011 KPMG). India ranked at 78th place out of 180 in the 2018 Corruption Perception Index and more than 50% of Indians had at some point or another paid a bribe to a public official to get a job done (Transparency International, 2008).
The negative impact of dynasties on the economy and wealth of province can be explained by the "Carnegie Effect" named after the industrialist Andrew Carnegie who donated all his wealth for philanthropy to non-family members, because he believed the dynasts have less incentive of working hard if they are assured of inherited power, connections and wealth. Political dynasties prefer status quo and develop self-serving interests largely different from the interests of voters they ought to be serving. Dynastic candidates, being almost exclusively from the upper classes, are naturally biased towards defending their own vested interests.
In a blatant act of self-promotion by misusing state institutes, the Bhupinder Singh Hooda led Congress govt in Haryana, introduced a chapter titled "Haryana Ke Gaurav" (Pride of Haryana) in the curriculum of class V to teach students about the political dynasties in a glorified light i.e. highlighted only the positive aspects of dynast leaders related to top 5 prolific dynasties of the state, e.g. Devi Lal and Bansi Lal, Chotu Ram and Ranbir Singh Hooda, etc. Based on the recommendations by a committee that had members of NCERT and SCERT in 2016 this chapter was removed by the BJP government led by the Chief Minister Manohar Lal. It was replaced by a new chapter titled "Gaurav Gatha" (Glorious Legends), which replaced the dynast leaders with the freedom fighters non-dynast leaders of national stature, including the greats such as Bhagat Singh, Vallabhbhai Patel, Lala Lajpat Rai and Lokmanya Tilak to name a few. To reinforce their political image and lineage to gain unfair "instant recognition" for multiple generations, dynasts engage in wastage of government resources and taxpayer's money, for example erecting numerous statues of the dynast leaders, naming multiple institutes and schemes after the same dynastic leaders of own clan, etc.; this money could have been better spent on the welfare of poor and the development of the state. To reverse and prevent this, there have been demands for the "anti-dynasty laws" and the "anti-dynasties pro-martyrs institution naming policies" to specifically exclude the dynasts and politicians, and to include the martyrs and the non-political prominent achievers in the specific area. [citation needed]
To keep the rivals out of power and to prevent the rise of emerging challengers, the political dynasties often misuse state agencies, police, vigilance bureau, false cases with planted evidence to persecute and harass their rivals in each district and village in a psychopathic manner.
"Why do we invest our lives in politics, Why do we endure the dust, heat, bumpy helicopters, ‘dhakka-mukki’ (push-and-shove), court cases, arrests, to get this thing called power? Is mein aisa kya current hai (what is this irresistible pull)? Not the money. After all, even after you made all your money, you couldn’t really enjoy it. In our politics, you can’t be seen to be rich, even your cars, homes and kurtas had to look modest. Even your families couldn’t be seen flaunting jewellery, or splurging. When you get power you do to the guy you defeated exactly what he did to you. Not even so much to him, but to his people. We know who his people are, in every district, every village. We send our police, vigilance bureau, whatever after them. For those we really want to target, we may even keep a kilo of illegal opium or a murder charge handy. When we hurt these people, they go running to their bosses and say, huzoor, bachao mujhe (sir, please save me). Then, their leader says he can’t, because he hasn’t got the power any more. The torture he suffers (jab woh tadapta hai), that is our fix. Tab dil mein jo thandak padti hai, uske liye 5 saal dhakke khaate hain (the incredible pleasure we get from our rivals’ helplessness to help his own is why we work so hard at our politics)."
Dynastic politicians tend to be generally less capable compared to non-dynastic politicians, because of their reliance on dynastic connections rather than academic and professional competence for their position. Unethical practices of nepotism and cronyism have negative consequences because the truly qualified and talented people have to face injustices and it eventually leads to corruption and brain drains which creates the social discrimination. Research has found that the dynast members of parliament (MPs) are less likely to have served at the grassroots politics, such as panchayat elections, than the non-dynastic MPs. Political dynasties collude to maintain the status quo, by preventing the non-dynastic better-skilled more-capable challengers/candidates being elected to the power. This in turn leads to the bureaucratic inefficiencies and underdevelopment, the lack of accountability and transparency in governance, and the resistance to adoption of new progressive-transformative ideas needed for the faster-paced development.
Rise of political dynasties caused by the creation of family-controlled self-serving despotic non-democratic parties in democracy which breed nepotistic parasitic patron-psychophants hegemony. Dynasties sustain and perpetuate their power by the collaboration of competing dynasties aimed at maintaining their mutual hegemony and preventing the rise of others as new political challengers. The collaborating dynasties do so by building strong friendly and family ties outside the politics (usually inter-marrying across rival parties) to sustain each other, while keeping the facade of being the political adversaries.
Parties go in decline with the death of the chief patron, internal squabbling for power among the members of controlling-family, rise of new non-dynastic charismatic leaders, anti-dynasty disgust among the voters with the increased literacy rate in the country, rising aspirations of the politically aware non-dynastic masses and civil society. Dynasties can be reduced and eliminated by implementing the anti-dynasty laws, stringent conflict of interest laws, stringent laws for the transparency in governance and party operations, mandatory intra-party democracy law as a precondition for maintaining the ongoing registration of the party, laws limiting the number of terms for the elected representatives and party officials, laws limiting the number of simultaneous candidates from the same families, laws to enforce a cooling period between the generations of dynasties for the entry into politics, developing grassroots leadership, institutionalized mechanism for the progression of grass-root leaders into state and national politics e.g. mandatory for MLA and MP to have served at panchayat or municipal level, strengthening the institutionalized role of the civil society in the enforcing the accountability and transparency in governance.
Five rampant and large dynasties over several generations have been prominent in Haryana's politics since the formation of Haryana in 1966, namely: the Lal Trio, the Hooda-Birender Singh clans, Pandit Bhagwat Dayal Sharma clan and Rao-Yadav clans.
The Bhupinder Singh Hooda political dynasty traces its origins to Matu Ram Hooda, a prominent Arya Samajist and a founding member of the first Indian National Congress (INC) conference held in Rohtak. Geographically, the family's traditional base and sphere of political influence is centered in Rohtak and extends into the adjoining Sonipat and Jhajjar districts.
Notable members of the clan include:
The Bhagwat Dayal Sharma political family entered prominence with Pandit Bhagwat Dayal Sharma, an Indian independence activist who went on to become the inaugural Chief Minister of Haryana.
Notable members of the clan include:
The Lal trio in Haryana politics refers to three influential leaders—Devi Lal, Bansi Lal, and Bhajan Lal—who significantly shaped the state's political landscape. All three leaders began their careers with the Indian National Congress before breaking away to establish separate political identities, frequently creating, merging, and switching regional parties.
The Bansi Lal political family traditionally holds an electoral sphere of influence in the Bhiwani and Tosham regions of western Haryana.
Notable members of the clan include:
The Bhajan Lal family traditionally holds its primary political presence in the Hisar parliamentary seat and the Adampur assembly constituency.
Notable members of the clan include:
This clan is originally from Rajasthan and not from Haryana. In the 19th century, Devi Lal's grandfather Teja Ram Sihag (belonging to the 'Sihag' clan of Jats, but that surname is generally not used) came from Bikaner in Rajasthan and settled in Teja Khera village of Sirsa district.
Teja Ram had three sons: Deva Ram, Asha Ram and Hukam Ram. Asharam had two sons, Lekhram and Tara Chand. Lekhram had two sons, Sahib Ram and Devi Lal. Due to Devi Lal, the Zamindar family became a political dynasty.
Sahib Ram was the first politician from the family to be elected as MLA in 1938, under British rule. Fourteen years later, in 1952, Devi Lal followed in his footsteps, by becoming MLA.
Devi Lal had four sons, namely Partap Singh, Om Prakash Chautala, Ranjit Singh and Jagdish Chander. Partap Singh was MLA in the 1960s, Ranjit Singh was a Congress MP, Om Prakash Chautala became Chief Minister, and Jagdish died young, before he could join politics.
Om Prakash Chautala had two sons, Ajay Singh Chautala and Abhay Singh Chautala. Both have been MLA and MP. Devi Lal's numerous grandsons, greatgrandsons and other family members are also in politics, such as Aditya Devilal, Dushyant Chautala and his brother Digvijay Singh Chautala as well as their cousin Arjun Singh Chautala. This clan, once dominant at the state level and now in decline due to divisions and internal family squabbling in the large clan, is struggling to revive their statewide hold while still retaining some pockets of influence in predominantly the areas of Hisar and Sirsa.
Notable members of the clan include:
The political lineage of peasant leader Chhotu Ram (born Ram Richpal Ohlyan) is centered in the Jind and Rohtak regions. As Chhotu Ram had no sons, his political legacy progressed through his nephew Sri Chand Ohlyan and his son-in-law Neki Ram Sheokand. This lineage connects with the Hooda family, as former Union Minister Birender Singh is a maternal cousin of former Haryana Chief Minister Bhupinder Singh Hooda.
Notable members of the clan include:
Ahir populated South Haryana has 11 assembly seats spread across 3 districts (Rewari, Gurgaon and Mahendragarh) and 3 Lok Sabha seats, and politics of this region of various parties is prominent in by the turncoat-politician descendants of Tula Ram who often compete with each other in elections while otherwise remaining united in keeping new challengers out.
Following claim either direct descent or from the clan of Rao Tula Ram.
The Ajay Singh Yadav political family (also known as the Rao Abhey Singh lineage) holds its primary traditional sphere of influence in the Rewari region of southern Haryana. The family claims descent from the 1857 revolutionary leader Rao Tula Ram. It is connected through marriage to the political family of former Bihar Chief Minister Lalu Prasad Yadav.
Notable members of the clan include:
The Rao Birender Singh political family (often referred to as the Rampura House) is a prominent Ahir political lineage centered in the Ahirwal region, particularly around Rewari and Gurugram. The family also claims direct descent from the 1857 revolutionary leader Rao Tula Ram.
Notable members of the clan include:
The Rao Mohar Singh political family (traditionally known as the Budhpur House) holds its political stronghold in the Ahirwal region, specifically within the Gurgaon district. The lineage traces back to Rao Mohar Singh Yadav, a prominent pre-partition leader who established the area's first cooperative bank who also claimed descent from Rao Tula Ram. The family expanded its network across party lines, connecting with the family of veteran Congress leader Rao Dan Singh through marriage.
Notable members of the clan include:
These clans are prominent in the politics only in some burrows of the state, and the clan has contested elections from two or more districts.
The Chiranji Lal-Kuldeep Sharma political family holds a prominent Brahmin leadership presence within the Karnal and Sonipat regions of Haryana.
Notable members of the clan include:
The Bhadana political family holds a prominent Gurjar leadership presence across South Haryana (particularly the Faridabad Lok Sabha constituency) and has expanded its electoral reach into western Uttar Pradesh.
Notable members of the clan include:
The Chaudhary Dalbir Singh political family is an influential Dalit leadership lineage in Haryana, commanding a strong presence within the reserved Sirsa and Ambala constituencies.
Notable members of the clan include:
The Phool Chand Mullana political family holds a prominent Scheduled Caste (SC) leadership presence within the Ambala parliamentary constituency and specifically the Mulana assembly constituency.
Notable members of the clan include:
The Jindal political family represents a prominent instance of industrialist-politicians in Haryana, commanding a powerful political and economic presence centered around the Hisar assembly seat and the Kurukshetra parliamentary constituency. The family controls the O.P. Jindal Group, a major multi-billion-dollar steel and power conglomerate.
Notable members of the clan include:
The Rahim Khan political family is an influential Meo Muslim leadership lineage centered in the Mewat region, primarily operating across the Nuh district and expanding into the electoral spheres of the Palwal district and the Faridabad parliamentary division. The family originates from the village of Sultanpur (Katpuri) in the Nuh district.
Notable members of the clan include:
The Tanwar-Maken branch of this political lineage is prominent within the Scheduled Caste (SC) leadership dynamics of the Sirsa region in western Haryana. The family is connected through marriage to the national political lineage of former President of India Shankar Dayal Sharma.
Notable members of the clan include:
The Yasin Khan–Tayyab Husain political family (traditionally known as the Rehna House) is the most prominent Meo Muslim leadership lineages in the Mewat region of India. Originally from the village of Rehna in the Nuh district of Haryana, the family's political footprint spans across state borders, wielding significant influence in both Haryana and the adjoining Mewat region of Rajasthan.
Notable members of the clan include:
These clans are only really influential in the politics of only in a certain district or specific assembly seat.
The Hari Singh Saini political family holds a notable backward-class leadership presence within the Hisar regional political landscape.
Notable members of the clan include:
The Kanda political family holds a notable business and political presence centered primarily within the Sirsa city constituency in western Haryana. The family founded the Haryana Lokhit Party (HLP) in 2014.
Notable members of the clan include:
The Mann Chaudhary political family holds a prominent Jat leadership presence in the Karnal and Kaithal regions of Haryana, with their traditional electoral strongholds centered in the Indri and erstwhile Pai assembly constituencies.
Notable members of the clan include:
These political families hold localized electoral prominence, primarily operating within individual assembly constituencies in the Nuh district and adjacent areas containing significant Meo Muslim populations.
The Ahmed political family holds a long-standing leadership presence centered in the Nuh constituency and the erstwhile Taoru assembly segment.
Notable members of the clan include:
The Jaleb Khan political family holds its traditional electoral stronghold in the Hathin constituency within the Palwal district.
Notable members of the clan include:
The Shakrulla–Naseem political family commands a localized base in the Ferozepur Jhirka constituency, situated along the Haryana–Rajasthan border.
Notable members of the clan include:
The Azmat Khan political family maintains an electoral presence divided across the Ferozepur Jhirka and Punahana constituencies within the Nuh district.
Notable members of the clan include:
The Surjewala political family (originally known as the Nain clan) holds a long-standing leadership presence in mid-north Haryana, commanding a strong base within the Kaithal, Narwana, and Jind regions.
Notable members of the clan include:
The Venod Sharma political family (often associated with the Piccadily Group) commands a prominent political and media presence centered around the Ambala and Kalka regions of northern Haryana. The family is connected through marriage to the national political lineage of former President of India Shankar Dayal Sharma.
Notable members of the clan include:
The Harpal Singh political family holds a long-standing leadership presence in the Fatehabad district of western Haryana, with its traditional electoral strongholds centered in the Tohana and Ratia assembly constituencies.
Notable members of the clan include:
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